634: Rough Patch

ITM Adam

John is WRONG! Last night I was listening to your rant about people needing to opt out of free email services like gmail and John firmly told you that people just aren't going to do it.

I just want you to know that's not totally true. My brother and I, long time listeners and donors (though no knighthoods yet), have done the work to opt out. Not only are we opting out of the satanic gmail, we are working on opting out of all google services. This is all thanks to my brother, who is a dude named Ben.

Unfortunately we both use Facebook for our businesses, but we are doing what we can.

Just wanted you to know that your preaching of the gospel has fallen on fertile ground here.

Now, to rid myself of that pesky smart phone....

BingoBoomshakalaka,

Isaac

P.S. The show has been outstanding lately. And by lately I mean since I started listening in early 2012. I never miss a show.

Adam,

After listening to the past few shows, your desire to learn more about middle east history really hit home with me.

In 2006 or 2007 I came across "United States and the Middle East: 1914 to 9/11 by Professor Salim Yaqub." Its about 12 hours of lectures dealing with the US/Middle East relations over the past 100 years (stopping at 2003).

I'd like to recommend this "book" for the NA Book Club. I hope you and other producers find this a valuable tool to understanding current US/Middle East relations.

Professor Salim Yaqub is an Associate Professor at UC Santa Barbra.

http://www.thegreatcourses.com/tgc/Courses/course_detail.aspx?cid=8593

Also on Audible.

Sir Andrew Greene (of Florida, not UK)

Founding Producer (since March 2009)

ITM LGY TYFYC

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Fri, 11 Jul 2014 20:07

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The Palladian Rite | Surrendering Islamsurrenderingislam.com/surrendering-islam/palladian-rite- Cached - SimilarTo this end the Palladium Rite was created as the pinnacle of the pyramid ofpower: an international alliance to bring in the Grand Lodges, the Grand Orient,the ...Return to In Defence of Babylon: The Palladian Rite of Freemasonsishtarsgate.wordpress.com/.../in-defence-of-babylon-the-palladian-rite-of- freemasons/- Cached - SimilarDec 23, 2012 ... Anyone who follows these things saw the defeat of the best laid plan of theIlluminati turn to dust on 21 December 2012. When their 'fear porn' ...Albert Pike - Bible BelieversThis secret rite is called "The New and Reformed Palladian Rite." It hasheadquarters in Charleston, S.C., Rome Italy, and Berlin Germany. Pike headedthis rite ...The Palladian Order of Skull and Bones - a revealing look inside the ..."The Palladian Rite" or "The Palladian Order of Skull and Bones", knownintimately among its members as "The Order" or "Bones", does exist on theUniversity of ...The Palladian Rite - American Buddhawww.american-buddha.com/lit.terrorismilluminati.14.htm- CachedChapter Fourteen: The Palladian Rite. 1848: The Year of Revolutions. Thecontinuing intrigues of the Illuminati culminated in the several political upheavalsof ...The Palladian Rite - YouTubewww.youtube.com/watch?v=4d9rcyDTjNQMay 1, 2014 - 41 min - Uploaded by Hebrew VisionThe Palladian Rite (*note* I do not agree to the defense of Babylon, but the article contains ...Midnight Freemasons: The Palladian Ritewww.midnightfreemasons.org/2014/03/the-palladian-rite.html- CachedThe Palladian Rite, according to conspiracy theorists it is the very top of theIlluminati pyramid. Conspiracy theorists point to the Palladian Rite as being the ...About Albert Pikewww.bibliotecapleyades.net/sociopolitica/sociopol_vril07a.htm- Cached - SimilarOn June 20, 1867, Scottish Rite officials conferred upon Johnson the 4th to ... ofthe Order to the New and Reformed Palladian Rite (or Reformed Palladium).Images for palladian ritePalladian Order - The Mysticawww.themystica.com/mystica/articles/p/palladian_order.html- Cached - SimilarThe Palladian Order was the subject of a massive hoax started in 1894 by theFrench ... In his works Taxil told of orgiastic rites held in lodges in India, in hidden ...Our Leaders Worship Pagan Gods - henrymakow.comwww.henrymakow.com/masons_worship_pagan_egyptian.html- Cached - SimilarNov 10, 2009 ... The next ritual described may possibly refer to part of the secret Palladium Rite,as it refers to THE TRIANGLE OF ADEPTS. The Palladium Rite ...

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Fri, 11 Jul 2014 20:45

When Weishaupt died in 1830, Gieuseppe Mazzini, the leader of a plot to unify Italy, had been appointed head of the Illuminati in 1834. Mazzini had become a member of a revolutionary secret society by the name of the Carbonari, and in 1860 founded the Mafia. In 1870, Mazzini, Lord Henry Palmerston of England, Otto von Bismarck of Germany and Albert Pike, all thirty third degree Scottish Rite Masons, created a supreme universal rite of Masonry that would arch over all the other rites, even the different national rites.69 It centralised all high Masonic bodies in the world under one head. To this end the Palladium Rite was created as the pinnacle of the pyramid of power: an international alliance to bring in the Grand Lodges, the Grand Orient, the ninety-seven degrees of Memphis and Mizraim of Cagliostro, also known as the Ancient and Primitive Rite, and the Scottish Rite, or the Ancient and Accepted Rite.

Lord Palmerston, the Grand Patriarch or Master of Grand Orient Freemasonry, as well as knight of the Order of the Garter, was Queen Victoria's Foreign Secretary. Palmerston was also Prime Minister during Britain's Opium Wars against China, in 1840 and 1858, beginning a policy of narcotics exploitation that would later characterise the Illuminati's strategy in the twentieth century. Albert Pike had served as a Brigadier-General in the Confederate Army during the Civil War, and was one of the founding fathers and head of the Ancient Accepted Scottish Rite of Freemasonry, being the Grand Commander of North American Freemasonry from 1859-1891. In 1869, he was a top leader of the Ku Klux Klan, and in 1871 wrote the Masonic handbook, the Morals and Dogma of the Ancient and Accepted Rite of Freemasonry.

In addition to a Supreme Council located in Charleston, South Carolina, Pike established Supreme Councils in Rome, Italy, led by Mazzini; London, England, led by Palmerston; and Berlin, Germany, led by Bismarck. He set up 23 subordinate councils in places throughout the world, including five Grand Central Directories in Washington, DC (North America), Montevideo (South America), Naples (Europe), Calcutta (Asia), and Mauritius (Africa), which were used to gather information. These branches have been the secret headquarters for the Illuminati's activities ever since.In a letter he wrote to Mazzini, dated August 15, 1871, Pike graphically outlined plans for three world wars seen as necessary to bring about the One World Order. For a short time, this letter was on display in the British Museum Library in London, and was copied by William Guy Carr, former Intelligence Officer in the Royal Canadian Navy and author of Pawns in the Game. Carr summarises:

The First World War was to be fought so as to enable the Illuminati to overthrow the powers of the Tzars in Russia and turn that country into the stronghold of Atheistic-Communism. The differences stirred up by the Agentur of the Illuminati between the British and German Empires were to be sued to foment this war. After the war ended, Communism was to be built up and used to destroy other governments and weaken religions.

World War Two was to be fomented by using the differences between Fascists and Political Zionists. This was to be fought so that Nazism would be destroyed and the power of Political Zionism increased so that the sovereign state of Israel could be established in Palestine. During world war two International Communism was to be built up until it equaled in strength that of united Christendom. At this point it was to be contained and kept in check until required for the final social cataclysm...World War Three is to be fomented by using the differences the agentur of the Illuminati stir up between Political Zionists and the Leaders of the Moslem world. The war is to be directed in such a manner that Islam and Political Zionism (including the State of Israel) will destroy themselves while at the same time the remaining nations, once more divided against each other on this issue, will be forced to fight themselves into a state of complete exhaustion physically, mentally, spiritually and economically...

Pike then told Mazzini that, after World War Three would have ended, a global social cataclysm will be provoked that will be greater than the world has ever known:

We shall unleash the Nihilists [meaning terrorists] and the atheists, and we shall provoke a formidable social cataclysm which in all its horror will show clearly to the nations the effect of absolute atheism, origin of savagery and of the most bloody turmoil. Then everywhere, the citizens, obliged to defend themselves against the world minority of revolutionaries, will exterminate those destroyers of civilization, and the multitude, disillusioned with Christianity, whose deistic spirits will from that moment be without compass or direction, anxious for an ideal, but without knowing where to render its adoration, will receive the true light through the universal manifestation of the pure doctrine of Lucifer, brought finally out in the public view. This manifestation will result from the general reactionary movement which will follow the destruction of Christianity and atheism, both conquered and exterminated at the same time.

Footnotes:

69 Three World Wars. ''Who Was Albert Pike?''

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Sat, 12 Jul 2014 05:00

by Midnight Freemason ContributorThe Palladian Rite, according to conspiracy theorists it is the very top of the Illuminati pyramid. Conspiracy theorists point to the Palladian Rite as being the secret overlord of all Masonic Rites uniting all masonry together in a dark agenda to propitiate three world wars to bring about the New World Order Government led by shape shifting reptiles from outer space. Oh if only it were all that interesting. No my Brethren, this article will not focus on ufos, aliens, or government plots for world domination. This article will focus on the mysterious and perhaps real Palladian rite that has caused such a stir in the Masonic soup to make it the famed ''Top of the Satanic Pyramid''.I have heard various times on a variety of websites how the Palladian Rite is the secret Satanic cult that rules the whole of masonry from the shadows with an iron fist. But to understand the myth of a

Palladian Rite we must understand the connection of Masonry and Satanism. Rumors of Secret Satanic Rites within the Masonic fraternity can be traced to Leo Taxil's nefarious work ''The Devil in the Nineteenth Century''. As we know the ''Taxil Hoax'' attempted to connect the degrees of Masonry to animal sacrifice, homosexual rites, giant goat statues and all kinds of weird and groovy things. Sadly the population of France at the time did not know how to tell factious reporting from journalism with integrity, so this mythos began to evolve itself into the general consciousness, which is why the book is still often quoted today in anti-masonic resources. In 1890 eminent Masonic scholar, Arthur Edward Waite attempted a academic approach to the material and rumors of Satanic cults in his work ''Devil Worship in France'' where he addresses the understanding of the Luciferian Palladian Rite as being a worked up version of a real secret society that once did exist. The Palladian Rite, was a fabricated version of the Reformed Palladium Rite which existed in France for a short increment of time. According to Kenneth Mackenzie in his ''Royal Masonic Cyclopedia'' the Order of Palladium first appeared in Paris in 1737 being derived from Douai with rituals being written about 1637. This group contained heavily Greek oriented degrees, two for men under the titles of ''Adelph'' and ''Companion of Ulysses'' while female members were admitted to the degree of ''Sister of Penelope''. With a Greek influence on symbolism we can see the Lucifer aspect as being similar to Albert Pike's misinterpretation in ''Morals and Dogma'', for the Planet Venus. Lucifer is Latin for the Light bearer and is representative for Venus because Venus is the planet that continuously rises each morning just before the break of dawn, so Venus brings the light to the world which is why so many myths of solar deities have mothers who are representative of Venus.Venus is also the planetary embodiment of love which is representative of the motto of the order ''je sais aimer'' or ''I know how to love''. The seal of the Order of Palladium was a heart crowned with flowers upon an altar ornamented with palm and laurel leaves. This places the Palladium Rite in a much different light dedicated to spiritual enlightenment of the sacred feminine, not Satanism as rumored by Taxil and Rosen. The Palladium Rite was dissolved by police after a short while at the order of the Catholic state at the time and vanished into obscurity until misinterpreted by anti-masons and made the exact opposite of what it represented in the greater human consciousness. Over all it is a shame that Neo-Pagan groups of that era were not allowed to practice their beliefs in peace, their only goal being to advance the spiritual and moral aspirations of their soul. Today all that is left is a dark shadow where light once was.

James E Frey 32° classifies himself as a gentleman of the old world, which means he is known to stand in the great forests reciting poetry to fair-haired damsels while wrestling bears for sport. He is a District Education Officer for the Grand Lodge of Illinois, a Past Sovereign Prince of the of Danville AASR, member of the Oak Lawn York Rite, Medinah Shriners, Royal Order of Scotland, Quram Council Allied Masonic Degrees and initiate of the Golden Dawn Collegium Spiritu Sancti. He is also a guest lecturer on Occultism and Esoteric studies in masonry for the R.E.B.I.S Research Society.

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Sat, 12 Jul 2014 05:07

THE POWER ELITE'S USE OF WARS AND CRISES

By Dennis L. Cuddy, Ph.D.January 28, 2008NewsWithViews.com

When Congressional Reece Committee research director Norman Dodd's legal assistant Kathryn Casey looked at the planning documents for the founding of the Carnegie Endowment, she found something quite revealing. She found that they determined war would be helpful in furthering their objectives. Relevant to this, Rene Wormser in FOUNDATIONS: THEIR POWER AND INFLUENCE (1958) wrote that the head of the endowment, Nicholas Murray Butler, used the endowment's funds to get the U.S. into World War I.

The year after the endowment was founded in 1910, Robert Minor's cartoon in the ST. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH in 1911 depicted members of the power elite (John D. Rockefeller, Andrew Carnegie, J.P Morgan, etc.) welcoming Karl Marx and his "socialism" to Wall Street. The next year Woodrow Wilson ran for president, and his "handler" for the power elite, Colonel Edward M. House, assured his bosses that Wilson would support the Federal Reserve's establishment in 1913.

The year after that (1914), the power elite arranged the first World War long before the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand on June 28 by members of the Narodna Odbrana (Black Hand) secret society. On May 29, Colonel House in Berlin wrote to President Wilson: "Whenever England consents, France and Russia will close in on Germany and Austria." The trick would be to make Germany think England would not enter the war. This was done by British Secretary of State Sir Edward Grey misleading German Ambassador to England Prince Karl Max Lichnowsky. Grey was close to the (Lord Alfred) Milner Group which was executing power elite member Cecil Rhodes' plan for world government.

Milner was the power behind the scenes in British government. He, not Prime Minister David Lloyd George, actually ran British foreign affairs. Milner was favorably disposed to Marxian socialism, and pro-Bolshevist Sir Basil Zaharoff (an armaments dealer who had sold arms to both sides in several wars) was consulted by President Wilson and Prime Minister George before any major military operation. This is according to author Donald McCormick, who said Zaharoff sought to divert munitions away from anti-Bolshevists.

When World War I began, Helmuth Johannes Ludwig von Moltke was head of the German General Staff. Interestingly, he was married to Dorothy Rose-Innes, the daughter of Sir James Rose-Innes, a member of Rhodes' Association of Helpers, as was their son Helmuth James von Moltke.

It was important for the power elite to drag the U.S. into the War, and so Lord Esher (executive committee member of Rhodes' secret Society of the Elect) wrote in his diary on August 3, 1917: "Can there be any doubt that the war has made for progress?" He followed this on August 11 with "Mr. Henry Morgenthau asked me to call on him.... He was one of the principal supporters of President Wilson.... They are ready to sacrifice the lives of American citizens.... Mr. Morgenthau realizes the importance... (of) shedding American blood at the earliest possible moment." Morgenthau would be a founding member of the Council on Foreign Relations (CFR), which was largely funded and staffed by J.P. Morgan and John D. Rockefeller interests.

One of the key connections to these interests was William Boyce Thompson, who in 1914 became the first full-term director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. And the WASHINGTON POST (February 2, 1918) reported: "William B. Thompson, who was in Petrograd from July until November 1917, has made a personal contribution of $1,000,000 to the Bolsheviki for the purpose of spreading their doctrine in Germany and Austria."

While in Russia from July to November 1917, Thompson was head of the Red Cross mission there. The Red Cross was heavily dependent upon Wall Street and especially J.P. Morgan interests for donations. Therefore, these interests were able to use the Red Cross to further their goals. Thompson's assistant, Cornelius Kelleher, is quoted in George Kennan's RUSSIA LEAVES THE WAR as stating: "The Red Cross complexion of the mission was nothing but a mask." FDR adviser and Soviet agent in the 1940s Harry Hopkins was assistant to the general manager of the Red Cross in Washington, D.C. In December 1917, Raymond Robins succeeded Thompson as head of the Red Cross mission in Russia, and on December 26 Robins called Morgan senior partner Henry Davison (chairman of the War Council of the American Red Cross, whose son in 1920 would become a member of Skull & Bones) asking him to urge President Wilson to continue intercourse with the Bolshevik Government.

Both Robins and his wife were associated with Bolshevik activities in the U.S. Robins was a protege of Colonel House and one of his heroes was Cecil Rhodes. According to Bruce Lockhart (sent to Russia by Lord Milner and Prime Minister George) in BRITISH AGENT (1933), "Robins was the only man whom Lenin was always willing to see and who ever succeeded in imposing his own personality on the unemotional Bolshevik leader." Lenin capitulated to Robins' ultimatum to remove Saalkind as Assistant Commissar for Foreign Affairs.

Carroll Quigley in TRAGEDY AND HOPE (1966) wrote: "More than 50 years ago (before 1916) the Morgan firm decided to infiltrate the Left-wing political movements in the United States." And the Morgan-controlled American International Corporation (AIC) was probably the primary supporter of the Bolsheviks. On October 17, 1917, AIC director William Saunders (deputy chairman of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York) wrote to President Wilson: "I am in sympathy with the Soviet form of government as that best suited for the Russian people." Other AIC directors in 1917 were Pierre du Pont, J. Peter Grace, Otto Kahn, Percy Rockefeller (Skull & Bones member), Frank Vanderlip (president of Rockefeller's National City Bank), and others. Julius Hammer (chairman of Occidental Petroleum Corporation) and his son Armand (who was a Soviet citizen) were also strong supporters of the Soviets.

Colonel House in 1912 authored PHILIP DRU: ADMINISTRATOR promoting "socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx." And one of his aides, Kenneth Durant, became assistant secretary for the Soviet Bureau in the U.S. When the premiers of France and Italy (Clemenceau and Orlando) later expressed concern about the Bolsheviks and their westward expansion, Colonel House in his diary wrote that he deliberately misled them into thinking there was nothing that could be done about it.

President Wilson was simply a puppet of the power elite, manipulated by their agent Colonel House. And on November 28, 1917, Wilson ordered there should be no interference with the Bolsheviks' revolution. Not long thereafter, the U.S. legation in Bern, Switzerland cabled Washington "asking why the president expresses support of Bolsheviki, in view of rapine, murder and anarchy of these bands" (U.S. State Department decimal file 861.00/1305, March 15, 1918). What is telling about American members of the power elite supporting the Bolsheviks is the fact that even before the war ended, Soviet troops were fighting and killing American soldiers in the Archangel region!

Robert Minor, whose cartoon I mentioned earlier, was a socialist who went to Russia in March 1918 and then worked in the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs. He even prepared propaganda against American soldiers and was arrested, but Colonel House and President Wilson intervened on his behalf and he was released without going to trial (probably because he was not doing anything different than Thompson and Robins).

Colonel House was managing the power elite's plan to bring about "socialism as dreamed of by Karl Marx," and the First World War was a necessary part of that plan. After the war, the CFR was founded largely by Colonel House's group "the Inquiry," and in the CFR's FOREIGN AFFAIRS (June 1923) Colonel House wrote: "If war had not come in 1914 in fierce and exaggerated form, the idea of an association of nations would probably have remained dormant, for great reforms seldom materialize except during great upheavals."

The first association of nations the power elite planned, the League of Nations, didn't materialize as the world government they desired, and therefore a Second World War had to be arranged. In case you don't believe World War II was planned, how else do you explain that power elite agent H.G. Wells in 1933 in his THE SHAPE OF THINGS TO COME said in about six years the war would begin over a German-Polish dispute, and Germany invaded Poland on September 1, 1939 with Britain and France declaring war on Germany two days later? Moreover, how else do you explain power elite agent Sir Julian Huxley on December 5, 1941, saying he hoped America and Japan would be at war "next week," and the attack on Pearl Harbor occurred Sunday, December 7, 1941, the first day of the next week? The power elite knew that the second "association of nations," the U.N., formed after World War II, would also not be their desired world government, as H.G. Wells in THE SHAPE OF THINGS TO COME said they would succeed on their third attempt resulting from a conference in Basra, Iraq. This is why the current war in Iraq was planned by the power elite.

Cecil Rhodes' and the power elite's goal was and still is the establishment of a World Socialist Government via linking regional economic arrangements, and Lenin and Stalin were important parts of this. In Vienna in January 1913, Stalin had advocated national loyalties become subservient to regions. And the year after Colonel House's FOREIGN AFFAIRS article appeared, Stalin in April 1924 said that according to Leninism "a single world system of economy constitutes the material basis for the victory of socialism."

It was also in this time (1920s) that Jean Monnet developed his plans for the first of these economic regions, the European Union. His lawyer was a young John J. McCloy, the successor to Colonel House in managing the power elite's plan. In 1936, McCloy sat in Hitler's box at the Berlin Olympics, and during the 1940s Secretary of War Henry Stimson (Skull & Bones member who initiated George H.W. Bush into Skull & Bones) questioned "whether anyone in the Administration ever acted without having a word with McCloy."

From 1953 to 1970, McCloy was the chairman of the CFR, during which time he swam with Soviet dictator Nikita Khrushchev in late July 1961 at the Black Sea. In the early 1950s, Frederick Schuman in THE COMMONWEALTH OF MEN: AN INQUIRY INTO POWER POLITICS AND WORLD GOVERNMENT wrote that one way permanent peace is attainable is "through the voluntary merging of sovereignties in a global polity, with a World-State emerging out of agreement."

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McCloy was followed as CFR chairman by David Rockefeller from 1970 to 1985. During that time, Bahai leader John Ferraby in ALL THINGS MADE NEW (1975) wrote similarly to Schuman that "we have entered a new era, in which the unification of mankind can be adequately organized only by a world state."

"World State" and "New World Order" were both terms used by H.G. Wells to refer to a world government. This concept was adopted by a number of people, and in JOURNEYS FOR A BETTER WORLD (1994), U.N. Secretariat official Jean Richardot declared that "a prosperous united world representing a true New World Order could only be attained step by step. While we are still far from world government, we must first focus on essential issues that work in that direction."

As I have written before, a single global currency is an important part of this effort to achieve a world government. In that regard Sarah Perry (director of VISA's Strategic Investment Program) is quoted in THE SINGLE GLOBAL CURRENCY (2006) as remarking in 2001: "When VISA was founded 25 years ago, the founders saw the world as needing a Single Global Currency for exchange. Everything we've done from a global perspective has been about trying to put one piece in place after another to fulfill that global vision."

And how will the single global currency be brought about? Nobel prize winner Robert Mundell (known as "the Father of the Euro") in a speech titled "A Decade Later: Asia New Responsibilities in the International Monetary System" delivered in Seoul, South Korea, May 2-3, 2007, revealed: "International monetary reform usually becomes possible only in response to a felt need and the threat of a global crisis. The global crisis would have to involve the dollar," and a single global currency would be "a contingency" to this global dollar crisis. As you are aware, the dollar is currently in crisis, plummeting in value.

David Rockefeller in his MEMOIRS (2002) admitted being part of a secret cabal conspiring with others to bring about a world government. This plan was revealed 100 years ago by Robert Hugh Benson in LORD OF THE WORLD (1907), in which he wrote that "in 1917... communism really began.... The new order began then." Ten years before the 1917 Bolshevik Revolution in Russia, Benson foretold it. Benson also wrote of a future European Parliament, American Socialism, and "the final scheme of Western Free Trade" occurring after 1989. He revealed that in the end, continent would unite with continent, the appearance of peace would deceive many, and that "the Humanity Religion was the only one."

This final replacement of God by man as the final moral authority will characterize biblical end times. As I mentioned in my December 31, 2007 NewsWithViews.com column "Iraq, Iran, and Pakistan," Ezekiel 38:5 indicates that in the prophecy regarding Gog and Magog, Persians (Iranians) will come against Israel. According to Joseph Farah, recently on Israeli secular television were in-depth reports on Gog and Magog describing the forces that will be aligned against each other in Revelation 20. On one side will be Israel, the U.S., Britain, France and Germany. On the other side will be Iran, Russia, China, Syria and North Korea. The Gog and Magog war is also mentioned in the Koran in Sura 18:94 and 21:96, and the Iranian mullahs have also recently been referring to this. According to the Koran, the people paid tribute to "The Conqueror" Dhu al Qarnayn, popularly understood to be Alexander the Great (who was at the time considered Lord of the West, the East, Persia, etc.), to erect barriers against the wild and lawless tribes of Central Asia (Mongols from Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, etc.). However, in a prognostication of the approaching "Judgment" of the world, the tribes break through the barriers when the people degenerate morally, and the wild tribes "swiftly swarm from every hill" against the formerly protected people written about in the Koran.

Writing of Alexander the Great in this part of the world was Rhodes Trust member Rudyard Kipling (who has swastikas on his early books) in THE MAN WHO WOULD BE KING. What is happening is the unfolding of Rhodes' plan for world government, which in turn will lead to the fulfillment of end times biblical prophecy.

Dennis Laurence Cuddy, historian and political analyst, received a Ph.D. from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (major in American History, minor in political science). Dr. Cuddy has taught at the university level, has been a political and economic risk analyst for an international consulting firm, and has been a Senior Associate with the U.S. Department of Education.

Cuddy has also testified before members of Congress on behalf of the U.S. Department of Justice. Dr. Cuddy has authored or edited twenty books and booklets, and has written hundreds of articles appearing in newspapers around the nation, including The Washington Post, Los Angeles Times and USA Today. He has been a guest on numerous radio talk shows in various parts of the country, such as ABC Radio in New York City, and he has also been a guest on the national television programs USA Today and CBS's Nightwatch.

"Don't you find it interesting," I asked Jim, "that Hillary Clinton on a number of occasions has used the word, 'remold,' when talking about society and values?" "And don't forget," I informed Jim, " that THE NEW SOCIALIST REVOLUTION was the title of a 1973 book by Michael Lerner, who has been an advisor to Hillary Clinton."

"But how are they going to use education to 'remold' society, and 'remold' it and us into what?" Jim rejoined. I then explained to him that traditional American values emphasize individual rights and responsibilities while Socialism emphasizes the group. That is why cooperative learning has played a major role in what has been called Outcome-Based Education. And one of the reasons School-to-Work initiatives (Plank 10 of Karl Marx's COMMUNIST MANIFESTO provides for a "combination of education with industrial production") have been promoted is that we are being prepared for a techno-feudal society under a World Socialist Government.

Monuments men PG13-Violence and some 'Historical Smoking'

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Sun, 13 Jul 2014 01:39

TIMEOpinionpoliticsThe Secret Language of MillennialsConcert crowdGetty Images/VettaBoomers just don't understand what younger people are saying about politics and culture.Fifty years ago, Baby Boomers and their parents suffered through what was ubiquitously understood as ''the generation gap,'' or the inability for different generations to speak clearly with one another.

A new national poll of Americans between the ages of 18 and 29 '-- the Millennial Generation '-- provides strong evidence of a new generation gap, this time with the Boomers (born between 1946 and 1964) playing the role of uncomprehending parents. When Millennials say they are liberal, it means something very different than it did when Barack Obama was coming of age. When Millennials say they are socialists, they're not participating in ostalgie for the old German Democratic Republic. And their strong belief in economic fairness shouldn't be confused with the attitudes of the Occupy movement.

The poll of Millennials was conducted by the Reason Foundation (the nonprofit publisher of Reason.com, the website and video platform I edit) and the Rupe Foundation earlier this spring. It engaged nearly 2,400 representative 18 to 29 year olds on a wide variety of topics.

This new generation gap certainly helps to explain why Millennials are far less partisan than folks 30 and older. Just 22% of Millennials identify as Republican or Republican-leaning, compared with 40% of older voters. After splitting their votes for George W. Bush and Al Gore in 2000 (each candidate got about 48%), Millennials have voted overwhelmingly for Democratic candidates in the 2004, 2008, and 2012 elections. Forty-three percent of Millennials call themselves Democrats or lean that way. Yet that's still a smaller percentage than it is for older Americans, 49% of whom are Democrats or lean Democrat. Most strikingly, 34% of Millennials call themselves true independents, meaning they don't lean toward either party. For older Americans, it's just 10%.

Millennials use language differently than Boomers and Gen Xers (born between 1965 and 1980). In the Reason-Rupe poll, about 62% of Millennials call themselves liberal. By that, they mean the favor gay marriage and pot legalization, but those views hold little or no implication for their views on government spending. To Millennials, being socially liberal is being liberal, period. For most older Americans, calling yourself a liberal means you want to increase the size, scope, and spending of the government (it may not even mean you support legal pot and marriage equality). Despite the strong liberal tilt among Millennials, 53% say they would support a candidate who was socially liberal and fiscally conservative (are you listening, major parties?).

There are other areas where language doesn't track neatly with Boomer and Gen X definitions. Millennials have no first-hand memories of the Soviet Union or the Cold War. Forty-two percent say they prefer socialism as a means of organizing society but only 16% can define the term properly as government ownership of the means of production. In fact, when asked whether they want an economy managed by the free market or by the government, 64% want the former and just 32% want the latter. Scratch a Millennial ''socialist'' and you are likely to find a budding entrepreneur (55% saying they want to start their own business someday). Although they support a government-provided social safety net, two-thirds of Millennials agree that ''government is usually inefficient and wasteful'' and they are highly skeptical toward government with regards to privacy and nanny-state regulations about e-cigarettes, soda sizes, and the like.

For all the attention lavished on the youthful, anti-capitalist Occupy movement a few years ago, it turns out that Millennials have strongly positive attitudes toward free markets (just don't call it capitalism). Not surprisingly, they define fairness in a way that is less about income disparity and more about getting your due. Almost six in 10 believe you can get ahead with hard work and a similar number wants a society in which wealth is parceled out according to your achievement, not via the tax code or government redistribution of income. Even though 70% favor guaranteed health care, housing, and income, Millennials have no problem with unequal outcomes.

Like most older Americans, too, Millennials are deeply worried about massive and growing federal budgets and debt, with 78% calling such things a major problem.

It would be a real shame if we can't have the sorts of conversations we need to address and remedy such issues because different generations are talking past each other. Millennials are different than Boomers or Gen Xers: Culture comes first and politics second to them. They are less partisan and they are less hung up about things such as pot use, gay marriage, and immigration. But in many ways, they agree with older generations when it comes to the value and legitimacy of work, the role of government in helping the poor, and the inefficiency of government to do that.

Everyone agrees that there are crises everywhere: Social Security and Medicare are going bust and the economy has been on life support for years. The best solutions will engage and involve Americans of all ages. The Reason-Rupe poll points to some places where generations are talking past each other and others where there is wide agreement. Giving its finding, a close read might just help narrow today's generation gap so we can get on with improving all generations' prospects.

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Sat, 12 Jul 2014 06:00

H. G. WellsWells some time before 1916

BornHerbert George Wells(1866-09-21)21 September 1866Bromley, Kent, EnglandDied13 August 1946(1946-08-13) (aged 79)Regent's Park, London, EnglandResting placeCrematedOccupationNovelist, teacher, historian, journalistAlma materRoyal College of Science (Imperial College London)GenresScience fiction (notably social science fiction)SubjectsWorld history, progressNotable work(s)Years active1895''1946Spouse(s)Isabel Mary Wells(1891''1894, divorced)Amy Catherine Robbins (1895''1927, her death)ChildrenGeorge Phillip "G. P." Wells (1901''1985)Frank Richard Wells (1903''1982)Anna-Jane Blanco-White (1909-2010[1][2])Anthony West (1914''1987)Herbert George ''H.G.'' Wells (21 September 1866 '' 13 August 1946)[3] was a prolific English writer in many genres, including the novel, history, politics, and social commentary, and even textbooks and rules for war games. He is now best remembered for his science fiction novels, and Wells is sometimes called the father of science fiction, as are Jules Verne and Hugo Gernsback.[4][a] His most notable science fiction works include The War of the Worlds, The Time Machine, The Invisible Man, and The Island of Doctor Moreau.

Wells's earliest specialized training was in biology, and his thinking on ethical matters took place in a specifically and fundamentally Darwinian context.[5] He was also from an early date an outspoken socialist, often (but not always, as at the beginning of the First World War) sympathising with pacifist views. His later works became increasingly political and didactic, and he wrote little science fiction, while he sometimes indicated on official documents that his profession was that of journalist.[6] Novels like Kipps and The History of Mr Polly, which describe lower-middle class life, led to the suggestion, when they were published, that he was a worthy successor to Charles Dickens,[7] but Wells described a range of social strata and even attempted, in Tono-Bungay (1909), a diagnosis of English society as a whole.

Early lifeEditHerbert George Wells was born at Atlas House, 46 High Street, Bromley, in Kent,[8] on 21 September 1866.[3] Called ''Bertie'' in the family, he was the fourth and last child of Joseph Wells (a former domestic gardener, and at the time a shopkeeper and professional cricketer) and his wife, Sarah Neal (a former domestic servant). An inheritance had allowed the family to acquire a shop in which they sold china and sporting goods, although it failed to prosper: the stock was old and worn out, and the location was poor. Joseph Wells managed to earn a meagre income, but little of it came from the shop and he received an unsteady amount of money from playing professional cricket for the Kent county team.[9] Payment for skilled bowlers and batsmen came from voluntary donations afterwards, or from small payments from the clubs where matches were played.

A defining incident of young Wells's life was an accident in 1874 that left him bedridden with a broken leg.[3] To pass the time he started reading books from the local library, brought to him by his father. He soon became devoted to the other worlds and lives to which books gave him access; they also stimulated his desire to write. Later that year he entered Thomas Morley's Commercial Academy, a private school founded in 1849 following the bankruptcy of Morley's earlier school. The teaching was erratic, the curriculum mostly focused, Wells later said, on producing copperplate handwriting and doing the sort of sums useful to tradesmen. Wells continued at Morley's Academy until 1880. In 1877, his father, Joseph Wells, fractured his thigh. The accident effectively put an end to Joseph's career as a cricketer, and his subsequent earnings as a shopkeeper were not enough to compensate for the loss of the primary source of family income.

No longer able to support themselves financially, the family instead sought to place their sons as apprentices in various occupations. From 1880 to 1883, Wells had an unhappy apprenticeship as a draper at the Southsea Drapery Emporium, Hyde's.[10] His experiences at Hyde's, where he worked a thirteen-hour day and slept in a dormitory with other apprentices,[8] later inspired his novels The Wheels of Chance and Kipps,[11] which portray the life of a draper's apprentice as well as providing a critique of society's distribution of wealth.

Wells's parents had a turbulent marriage, owing primarily to his mother being a Protestant and his father a freethinker. When his mother returned to work as a lady's maid (at Uppark, a country house in Sussex), one of the conditions of work was that she would not be permitted to have living space for her husband and children. Thereafter, she and Joseph lived separate lives, though they never divorced and remained faithful to each other. As a consequence, Herbert's personal troubles increased as he subsequently failed as a draper and also, later, as a chemist's assistant. Fortunately for Herbert, Uppark had a magnificent library in which he immersed himself, reading many classic works, including Plato's Republic, and More's Utopia. This would be the beginning of Herbert George Wells's venture into literature.

In October 1879 Wells's mother arranged through a distant relative, Arthur Williams, for him to join the National School at Wookey in Somerset as a pupil''teacher, a senior pupil who acted as a teacher of younger children.[10] In December that year, however, Williams was dismissed for irregularities in his qualifications and Wells was returned to Uppark. After a short apprenticeship at a chemist in nearby Midhurst, and an even shorter stay as a boarder at Midhurst Grammar School, he signed his apprenticeship papers at Hyde's. In 1883 Wells persuaded his parents to release him from the apprenticeship, taking an opportunity offered by Midhurst Grammar School again to become a pupil''teacher; his proficiency in Latin and science during his previous, short stay had been remembered.[9][10]

The years he spent in Southsea had been the most miserable of his life to that point, but his good fortune at securing a position at Midhurst Grammar School meant that Wells could continue his self-education in earnest.[9] The following year, Wells won a scholarship to the Normal School of Science (later the Royal College of Science in South Kensington, now part of Imperial College London) in London, studying biology under Thomas Henry Huxley. As an alumnus, he later helped to set up the Royal College of Science Association, of which he became the first president in 1909. Wells studied in his new school until 1887 with a weekly allowance of 21 shillings (a guinea) thanks to his scholarship. This ought to have been a comfortable sum of money (at the time many working class families had ''round about a pound a week'' as their entire household income)[12] yet in his Experiment in Autobiography, Wells speaks of constantly being hungry, and indeed, photographs of him at the time show a youth very thin and malnourished.

He soon entered the Debating Society of the school. These years mark the beginning of his interest in a possible reformation of society. At first approaching the subject through The Republic by Plato, he soon turned to contemporary ideas of socialism as expressed by the recently formed Fabian Society and free lectures delivered at Kelmscott House, the home of William Morris. He was also among the founders of The Science School Journal, a school magazine that allowed him to express his views on literature and society, as well as trying his hand at fiction: the first version of his novel The Time Machine was published in the journal under the title The Chronic Argonauts. The school year 1886''87 was the last year of his studies. Despite having previously passed his exams in both biology and physics, his lack of interest in geology resulted in his failure to pass and the subsequent loss of his scholarship.[citation needed]

During 1888 Wells stayed in Stoke-on-Trent, living in Basford, and also at the Leopard Hotel in Burslem. The unique environment of The Potteries was certainly an inspiration. He wrote in a letter to a friend from the area that ''the district made an immense impression on me.'' The inspiration for some of his descriptions in The War of the Worlds is thought to have come from his short time spent here, seeing the iron foundry furnaces burn over the city, shooting huge red light into the skies. His stay in The Potteries also resulted in the macabre short story ''The Cone'' (1895, contemporaneous with his famous The Time Machine), set in the north of the city.

After teaching for some time, Wells found it necessary to supplement his knowledge relating to educational principles and methodology and entered the College of Preceptors (College of Teachers). He later received his Licentiate and Fellowship FCP diplomas from the College. It was not until 1890 that Wells earned a Bachelor of Science degree in zoology from the University of London External Programme. In 1889''90 he managed to find a post as a teacher at Henley House School, where he taught A. A. Milne.[13][14]

Upon leaving the Normal School of Science, Wells was left without a source of income. His aunt Mary'--his father's sister-in-law'--invited him to stay with her for a while, which solved his immediate problem of accommodation. During his stay at his aunt's residence, he grew increasingly interested in her daughter, Isabel. He would later go on to court her.

Personal lifeEditIn 1891, Wells married his cousin Isabel Mary Wells; the couple agreed to separate in 1894 when he fell in love with one of his students, Amy Catherine Robbins (later known as Jane), whom he married in 1895.[16] Poor health took him to Sandgate, near Folkestone, where in 1901 he constructed a large family home: Spade House. He had two sons with Jane: George Philip (known as "Gip") in 1901 (d.1985) and Frank Richard in 1903 (d.1982). The marriage lasted until her death in 1927.[citation needed]

With his wife Jane's consent, Wells had affairs with a number of women, including the American birth control activist Margaret Sanger and novelist Elizabeth von Arnim.[17] In 1909 he had a daughter, Anna-Jane, with the writer Amber Reeves,[18] whose parents, William and Maud Pember Reeves, he had met through the Fabian Society; and in 1914, a son, Anthony West (1914''1987), by the novelist and feministRebecca West, twenty-six years his junior.[19]

In Experiment in Autobiography (1934), Wells wrote: "I was never a great amorist, though I have loved several people very deeply."[20]

One of the ways that Wells expressed himself was through his drawings and sketches. One common location for these was the endpapers and title pages of his own diaries, and they covered a wide variety of topics, from political commentary to his feelings toward his literary contemporaries and his current romantic interests. During his marriage to Amy Catherine, whom he nicknamed Jane, he drew a considerable number of pictures, many of them being overt comments on their marriage. During this period, he called these pictures "picshuas".[21] These picshuas have been the topic of study by Wells scholars for many years, and in 2006 a book was published on the subject.[22]

Wells's first non-fiction bestseller was Anticipations of the Reaction of Mechanical and Scientific Progress Upon Human Life and Thought (1901). When originally serialized in a magazine it was subtitled, "An Experiment in Prophecy", and is considered his most explicitly futuristic work. It offered the immediate political message of the privileged sections of society continuing to bar capable men from other classes from advancement until war would force a need to employ those most able, rather than the traditional upper classes, as leaders. Anticipating what the world would be like in the year 2000, the book is interesting both for its hits (trains and cars resulting in the dispersion of population from cities to suburbs; moral restrictions declining as men and women seek greater sexual freedom; the defeat of German militarism, and the existence of a European Union) and its misses (he did not expect successful aircraft before 1950, and averred that "my imagination refuses to see any sort of submarine doing anything but suffocate its crew and founder at sea").[23][24]

Some of his early novels, called "scientific romances", invented several themes now classic in science fiction in such works as The Time Machine, The Island of Doctor Moreau, The Invisible Man, The War of the Worlds, When the Sleeper Wakes, and The First Men in the Moon. He also wrote realistic novels that received critical acclaim, including Kipps and a satire on Edwardian advertising, Tono-Bungay.

Wells also wrote dozens of short stories and novellas, the best known of which is "The Country of the Blind" (1904).

Though Tono-Bungay was not a science-fiction novel, radioactive decay plays a small but consequential role in it. Radioactive decay plays a much larger role in The World Set Free (1914). This book contains what is surely his biggest prophetic "hit". Scientists of the day were well aware that the natural decay of radium releases energy at a slow rate over thousands of years. The rate of release is too slow to have practical utility, but the total amount released is huge. Wells's novel revolves around an (unspecified) invention that accelerates the process of radioactive decay, producing bombs that explode with no more than the force of ordinary high explosive'--but which "continue to explode" for days on end. "Nothing could have been more obvious to the people of the earlier twentieth century", he wrote, "than the rapidity with which war was becoming impossible... [but] they did not see it until the atomic bombs burst in their fumbling hands". In 1932, the physicist and conceiver of nuclear chain reactionLe" Szilrd read The World Set Free, a book which he said made a great impression on him.[25]

Wells also wrote nonfiction. His bestselling two-volume work, The Outline of History (1920), began a new era of popularised world history. It received a mixed critical response from professional historians.[26] However, it was very popular amongst the general population and made Wells a rich man. Many other authors followed with "Outlines" of their own in other subjects. Wells reprised his Outline in 1922 with a much shorter popular work, A Short History of the World,[27] and two long efforts, The Science of Life (1930) and The Work, Wealth and Happiness of Mankind (1931). The "Outlines" became sufficiently common for James Thurber to parody the trend in his humorous essay, "An Outline of Scientists"'--indeed, Wells's Outline of History remains in print with a new 2005 edition, while A Short History of the World has been recently reedited (2006).

From quite early in his career, he sought a better way to organize society, and wrote a number of Utopian novels. The first of these was A Modern Utopia (1905), which shows a worldwide utopia with "no imports but meteorites, and no exports at all";[28] two travellers from our world fall into its alternate history. The others usually begin with the world rushing to catastrophe, until people realize a better way of living: whether by mysterious gases from a comet causing people to behave rationally and abandoning a European war (In the Days of the Comet (1906)), or a world council of scientists taking over, as in The Shape of Things to Come (1933, which he later adapted for the 1936 Alexander Korda film, Things to Come). This depicted, all too accurately, the impending World War, with cities being destroyed by aerial bombs. He also portrayed the rise of fascist dictators in The Autocracy of Mr Parham (1930) and The Holy Terror (1939). Men Like Gods (1923) is also a utopian novel. Wells in this period was regarded as an enormously influential figure; the critic Malcolm Cowley stated "by the time he was forty, his influence was wider than any other living English writer." [29]

Wells contemplates the ideas of nature and nurture and questions humanity in books such as The Island of Doctor Moreau. Not all his scientific romances ended in a Utopia, and Wells also wrote a dystopian novel, When the Sleeper Wakes (1899, rewritten as The Sleeper Awakes, 1910), which pictures a future society where the classes have become more and more separated, leading to a revolt of the masses against the rulers. The Island of Doctor Moreau is even darker. The narrator, having been trapped on an island of animals vivisected (unsuccessfully) into human beings, eventually returns to England; like Gulliver on his return from the Houyhnhnms, he finds himself unable to shake off the perceptions of his fellow humans as barely civilised beasts, slowly reverting to their animal natures.

Wells also wrote the preface for the first edition of W. N. P. Barbellion's diaries, The Journal of a Disappointed Man, published in 1919. Since "Barbellion" was the real author's pen name, many reviewers believed Wells to have been the true author of the Journal; Wells always denied this, despite being full of praise for the diaries, but the rumours persisted until Barbellion's death later that year.

In 1927 a Canadian citizen, Florence Deeks (1864''1959), unsuccessfully sued Wells for infringement of copyright and breach of trust, claiming that much of The Outline of History had been plagiarized from her unpublished manuscript,[30]The Web of the World's Romance, which had spent nearly nine months in the hands of Wells's Canadian publisher, Macmillan Canada.[31]

In 2000, A. B. McKillop, a professor of history at Carleton University and a leading Canadian historian, produced a book on the Deeks versus Wells case, called "The Spinster & The Prophet: Florence Deeks, H. G. Wells, and the Mystery of the Purloined Past".[32] McKillop had been researching another Canadian historical figure when he came across information relating to this, and intrigued, followed through with this book. According to McKillop, the lawsuit was unsuccessful due to the prejudice against a woman suing a well known and famous male author; McKillop paints a detailed story based on the circumstantial evidence of the case, and suggests that in a more modern court, she would have been successful.

The story is convoluted, but basically revolves about Deeks manuscript being sent to MacMillan and Company, UK to check that references to other works did not violate copyright in those works. It appeared to go through the hands of one of the editors in the UK who passed it onto Wells as he knew Wells was thinking of a similar project. The net result was Deeks eventually rejected work came back and when eventually opened, found ""soiled, thumbed, worn and torn, with over a dozen pages turned down at the corners, and many others creased as if having been bent back in use.""[33] When she compared her work to "The Outline of History" in the winter of 1920/1921 she found remarkable similarities, exact text similarities, and the same errors and omissions that marred her work, also in Wells. There are some more detailed reviews of the book on the Internet easily found by searching under A. B. McKillop.

In 2004, Denis N. Magnusson, Professor Emeritus of the Faculty of Law, Queen''s University, Kingston, Ontario, had published in ''Queen's Law Journal'' an article on Deeks v. Wells. This re-examines the case in relation to McKillop's book (described as ''a novel'' in the editorial introduction). While having some sympathy for Deeks, he ''challenges the outpouring of public support'' for her. He argues that she had a weak case that was not well presented, and though she may have met with sexism from her lawyers, she did receive a fair trial. He goes on to say that the law applied is essentially the same law that would be applied to a similar case today (i.e.:2004)[34]

In 1933 Wells predicted in The Shape of Things to Come that the world war he feared would begin in January 1940,[35] a prediction which ultimately came true four months early, when the Second World War broke out in September 1939.[36]

In 1936, before the Royal Institution, Wells called for the compilation of a constantly growing and changing World Encyclopaedia, to be reviewed by outstanding authorities and made accessible to every human being. In 1938, he published a collection of essays on the future organisation of knowledge and education, World Brain, including the essay, "The Idea of a Permanent World Encyclopaedia".

Near the end of the Second World War, Allied forces discovered that the SS had compiled lists of people slated for immediate arrest during the invasion of Britain in the abandoned Operation Sea Lion, and Wells was included in the alphabetical list on the same page of "The Black Book" as Rebecca West.[37] Wells, as president of PEN International (Poets, Essayists, Novelists), had already angered the Nazis by overseeing the expulsion of the German PEN club from the international body in 1934 following the German PEN's refusal to admit non-Aryan writers to its membership.

Seeking a more structured way to play war games, Wells also wrote Floor Games (1911) followed by Little Wars (1913). Little Wars is recognised today as the first recreational war game and Wells is regarded by gamers and hobbyists as "the Father of Miniature War Gaming".[38]

The Fabian SocietyEditWells called his political views socialist. He was for a time a member of the socialist Fabian Society, but broke with them as his creative political imagination, matching the originality shown in his fiction, outran theirs.[39] He later grew staunchly critical of them as having a poor understanding of economics and educational reform. He ran as a Labour Party candidate for London University in the 1922 and 1923 general elections after the death of his friend W. H. R. Rivers, but at that point his faith in the party was weak or uncertain.

ClassEditSocial class was a theme in Wells's The Time Machine in which the Time Traveller speaks of the future world, with its two races, as having evolved from

the gradual widening of the present (19th century) merely temporary and social difference between the Capitalist and the Labourer ... Even now, does not an East-end worker live in such artificial conditions as practically to be cut off from the natural surface of the earth? Again, the exclusive tendency of richer people ... is already leading to the closing, in their interest, of considerable portions of the surface of the land. About London, for instance, perhaps half the prettier country is shut in against intrusion.[40]

Wells has this very same Time Traveller, reflecting his own socialist leanings, refer in a tongue-in-cheek manner to an imagined world of stark class division as "perfect" and with no social problem unsolved. His Time Traveller thus highlights how strict class division leads to the eventual downfall of the human race:

Once, life and property must have reached almost absolute safety. The rich had been assured of his wealth and comfort, the toiler assured of his life and work. No doubt in that perfect world there had been no unemployed problem, no social question left unsolved.[40]

In his book The Way the World is Going, Wells called for a non-Marxist form of socialism to be set up, that would avoid both class war and conflict between nations.[41]

World governmentEditHis most consistent political ideal was the World State. He stated in his autobiography that from 1900 onward he considered a World State inevitable. He envisioned the state to be a planned society that would advance science, end nationalism, and allow people to progress by merit rather than birth. Wells' 1928 book The Open Conspiracy argued that groups of campaigners should begin advocating for a "world commonwealth", governed by a scientific elite, that would work to eliminate problems such as poverty and warfare.[42] In 1932, he told Young Liberals at the University of Oxford that progressive leaders must become liberalfascists or enlightened Nazis who would "compete in their enthusiasm and self-sacrifice" against the advocates of dictatorship.[43][44] In 1940, Wells published a book called The New World Order that outlined his plan as to how a World Government will be set up. In The New World Order, Wells admitted that the establishment of such a government could take a long time, and be created in a piecemeal fashion.[45]

EugenicsEditSome of Wells' early science fiction works reflect his thoughts about the degeneration of humanity.[46] Wells doubted whether human knowledge had advanced sufficiently for eugenics to be successful. In 1904 he discussed a survey paper by Francis Galton, co-founder of eugenics, saying, "I believe that now and always the conscious selection of the best for reproduction will be impossible; that to propose it is to display a fundamental misunderstanding of what individuality implies... It is in the sterilisation of failure, and not in the selection of successes for breeding, that the possibility of an improvement of the human stock lies". In his 1940 book The Rights of Man: Or What are we fighting for? Wells included among the human rights he believed should be available to all people, "a prohibition on mutilation, sterilization, torture, and any bodily punishment".[47]

RaceEditWells's 1906 book The Future in America, contains a chapter, "The Tragedy of Colour", which discusses the problems facing black Americans.[48] While writing the book, Wells met with Booker T. Washington, who provided him with much of his information for "The Tragedy of Colour".[49] Wells praised the "heroic" resolve of black Americans, stating he doubted if the US could:

show any thing finer than the quality of the resolve, the steadfast effort hundreds of black and coloured men are making to-day to live blamelessly, honourably, and patiently, getting for themselves what scraps of refinement, learning, and beauty they may, keeping their hold on a civilization they are grudged and denied.[48]

In his 1916 book What is Coming? Wells states, "I hate and despise a shrewish suspicion of foreigners and foreign ways; a man who can look me in the face, laugh with me, speak truth and deal fairly, is my brother, though his skin is as black as ink or as yellow as an evening primrose".[50]

In The Outline of History, Wells argued against the idea of "racial purity", stating: "Mankind from the point of view of a biologist is an animal species in a state of arrested differentiation and possible admixture . . . [A]ll races are more or less mixed.".[51]

In 1931 Wells was one of several signatories to a letter in Britain (along with 33 British MPs) protesting against the death sentence passed upon the African-American Scottsboro Boys.[52]

In 1943 Wells wrote an article for the Evening Standard, "What A Zulu thinks of the English", prompted by receiving a letter from a Zulu soldier, Lance Coporal Aaron Hlope.[53][54][55] "What a Zulu thinks of the English" was a strong attack on anti-black discrimination in South Africa. Wells claimed he had "the utmost contempt and indignation for the unfairness of the handicaps put upon men of colour". Wells also denounced the South African government as a "petty white tyranny".[53][54][55]

ZionismEditWells had given some moderate, unenthusiastic support for Territorialism before the First World War, but later became a bitter opponent of the Zionist movement in general. He saw Zionism as an exclusive and separatist movement which challenged the collective solidarity he advocated in his vision of a world state. No supporter of Jewish identity in general, Wells had in his utopian writings predicted the ultimate assimilation of the Jewish people.[56][57][58] In notes to accompany his biographical novelA Man of PartsDavid Lodge describes how Wells came to regret his attitudes to the Jews as he became more aware of the extent of the Nazi atrocities. This included a letter of apology written to Chaim Weizmann for earlier statements he had made.[59]

World War IEditHe supported Britain in the First World War,[60] despite his many criticisms of British policy, and opposed, in 1916, moves for an early peace.[61] In an essay published that year he acknowledged that he could not understand those British pacifists who were reconciled to "handing over great blocks of the black and coloured races to the [German Empire] to exploit and experiment upon" and that the extent of his own pacifism depended in the first instance upon an armed peace, with "England keep[ing] to England and Germany to Germany". State boundaries would be established according to natural ethnic affinities, rather than by planners in distant imperial capitals, and overseen by his envisaged world alliance of states.[62]

In his book In the Fourth Year published in 1918 he suggested how each nation of the world would elect, "upon democratic lines" by proportional representation, an electoral college in the manner of the United States of America, in turn to select its delegate to the proposed League of Nations.[63] This international body he contrasted with imperialism, not only the imperialism of Germany, against which the war was being fought, but also the imperialism, which he considered more benign, of Britain and France.[64]

His values and political thinking came under increasing criticism from the 1920s and afterwards.[65]

The Soviet UnionEditThe leadership of Joseph Stalin led to a change in his view of the Soviet Union even though his initial impression of Stalin himself was mixed. He disliked what he saw as a narrow orthodoxy and intransigence in Stalin. He did give him some praise saying in an article in the left-leaning New Statesman magazine, "I have never met a man more fair, candid, and honest" and making it clear that he felt the "sinister" image of Stalin was unfair or false. Nevertheless he judged Stalin's rule to be far too rigid, restrictive of independent thought, and blinkered to lead toward the Cosmopolis he hoped for.[66] In the course of his visit to the Soviet Union in 1934, he debated the merits of reformist socialism over Marxism-Leninism with Stalin.[67]

Other endeavoursEditWells brought his interest in Art & Design and politics together when he and other notables signed a memorandum to the Permanent Secretaries of the Board of Trade, among others. The November 1914 memorandum expressed the signatories concerns about British industrial design in the face of foreign competition. The suggestions were accepted, leading to the foundation of the Design and Industries Association.[68] In the 1920s he was an enthusiastic supporter of rejuvenation attempts by Eugen Steinach and others. He was a patient of Dr Norman Haire (perhaps a rejuvenated one) and in response to Haire's 1924 book Rejuvenation: the Work of Steinach, Voronoff, and others,[69] Wells prophesied a more mature, graver society with 'active and hopeful children' and adults 'full of years' where none will be 'aged'.[70]

In his later political writing, Wells incorporated into his discussions of the World State a notion of universal human rights that would protect and guarantee the freedom of the individual. His 1940 publication The Rights of Man laid the groundwork for the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights.[71]

SummaryEditIn the end Wells's contemporary political impact was limited, excluding his fiction's positivist stance on the leaps that could be made by physics towards world peace. His efforts regarding the League of Nations became a disappointment as the organisation turned out to be a weak one unable to prevent World War II, which was itself towards the very end of his life, increased the pessimistic side of his nature. In his last book Mind at the End of its Tether (1945) he considered the idea that humanity being replaced by another species might not be a bad idea. He also came to call the era "The Age of Frustration".

Wells wrote in his book God the Invisible King (1917) that his idea of God did not draw upon the traditional religions of the world: "This book sets out as forcibly and exactly as possible the religious belief of the writer. [Which] is a profound belief in a personal and intimate God. ... Putting the leading idea of this book very roughly, these two antagonistic typical conceptions of God may be best contrasted by speaking of one of them as God-as-Nature or the Creator, and of the other as God-as-Christ or the Redeemer. One is the great Outward God; the other is the Inmost God. The first idea was perhaps developed most highly and completely in the God of Spinoza. It is a conception of God tending to pantheism, to an idea of a comprehensive God as ruling with justice rather than affection, to a conception of aloofness and awestriking worshipfulness. The second idea, which is opposed to this idea of an absolute God, is the God of the human heart. The writer would suggest that the great outline of the theological struggles of that phase of civilisation and world unity which produced Christianity, was a persistent but unsuccessful attempt to get these two different ideas of God into one focus."[72] Later in the work he aligns himself with a "renascent or modern religion ... neither atheist nor Buddhist nor Mohammedan nor Christian ... [that] he has found growing up in himself".[73]

Of Christianity he has this to say: "... it is not now true for me ... Every believing Christian is, I am sure, my spiritual brother ... but if systemically I called myself a Christian I feel that to most men I should imply too much and so tell a lie." Of other world religions he writes: "All these religions are true for me as Canterbury Cathedral is a true thing and as a Swiss chalet is a true thing. There they are, and they have served a purpose, they have worked. Only they are not true for me to live in them ... They do not work for me."[74]

Final yearsEditWells's literary reputation declined as he spent his later years promoting causes that were rejected by most of his contemporaries as well as younger authors whom he had previously influenced, and in this connection George Orwell described him as "too sane to understand the modern world."[75]G. K. Chesterton quipped: "Mr. Wells is a born storyteller who has sold his birthright for a pot of message."[76]

Wells was a diabetic,[77] and a co-founder in 1934 of what is now Diabetes UK, the leading charity for diabetics in the UK.

On 28 October 1940, on the KTSA radio station in San Antonio, Texas, Wells took part in a radio interview with Orson Welles, who two years previously had performed an infamous radio adaptation of The War of the Worlds. During the interview, by Charles C Shaw, a KTSA radio host, Wells admitted his surprise at the widespread panic that resulted from the broadcast, but acknowledged his debt to Welles for increasing sales of one of his "more obscure" titles.[78]

Wells died of unspecified causes on 13 August 1946 at his home at 13 Hanover Terrace, Regent's Park, London, aged 79.[79][80] Some reports also say he died of a heart attack at the flat of a friend in London. In his preface to the 1941 edition of The War in the Air, Wells had stated that his epitaph should be: "I told you so. You damned fools."[81] He was cremated at Golders Green Crematorium on 16 August 1946, his ashes scattered at sea near Old Harry Rocks.[82] A commemorative blue plaque in his honour was installed at his home in Regent's Park.

Literary InfluenceEditThe science fiction historian John Clute describes Wells as "the most important writer the genre has yet seen", and notes his work has been central to both British and American science fiction.[83]

In Britain, Wells' work was a key model for the British "Scientific Romance", and other writers in that mode, such as Olaf Stapledon,[84]J. D. Beresford,[85]S. Fowler Wright,[86] and Naomi Mitchison,[87] all drew on Wells' example. Wells was also an important influence on British science fiction of the period after the Second World War, with Arthur C. Clarke[88] and Brian Aldiss[89] expressing strong admiration for Wells' work.

In the United States, Hugo Gernsback reprinted most of Wells's work in the pulp magazine Amazing Stories, regarding Wells' work as "texts of central importance to the self-concious new genre".[83] Later American writers such as Isaac Asimov,[90]Frank Herbert[91] and Ursula K. Le Guin[92] all recalled being influenced by Wells' work.

Wells also inspired writers of European speculative fiction such as Karel Čapek[92] and Yevgeny Zamyatin.[92]

In popular fiction and filmEditThe superhuman protagonist of J. D. Beresford's novel, The Hampdenshire Wonder, Victor Stott, was based on Wells.[85]

In M. P. Shiel's short story "The Primate of the Rose" (1928), there is an unpleasant womanizer named E. P. Crooks, who was written as a parody of Wells.[93] Wells had attacked Shiel's Prince Zaleski in 1895, and this was Shiel's response.[93] Wells would later praise Shiel's The Purple Cloud; in turn Shiel expressed admiration for Wells, referring to him at a speech to the HorshamRotary Club in 1933 as "my friend Mr. Wells".[93]

In C. S. Lewis's novel That Hideous Strength, the character Jules is a caricature of Wells,[94] and much of Lewis's science fiction was written both under the influence of Wells and as an antithesis to his work (or, as he put it, an "exorcism"[95] of the influence it had on him).

In Saul Bellow's novel Mr. Sammler's Planet, (1970) Wells is one of several historical figures the protagonist met when he was a young man.[96]

Bert is a portrayal of H. G. Wells in James A. Owen's series The Chronicles of the Imaginarium Geographica.[citation needed]

Malcolm MacDowell plays H. G. Wells in the 1979 science fiction filmTime After Time, in which Wells uses a time machine to pursue Jack the Ripper to the present day.

HG Wells: War with the World is a made for television movie from 2006, where H.G Wells is played by Michael Sheen.

Wells is also a character in The Infinite Worlds of H. G. Wells.

HG Wells appears in a small scene in Journey to the Heart of Luna, in which 'Bertie' interacts with protagonist Nathanial Stone aboard the dirigible Zeus, on Saturday 13 April 1889. Book one of Space: 1889 & Beyond, by Andy Frankham-Allen, published in 2011.

''Don't be a cad, Bertie,'' said a voice nearby. Nathanial found his attention taken up by a portly young man, sitting on the opposite side of the aisle and a few seats back. The fellow to whom he was talking, sitting in an aisle seat, was much thinner and looked around with embarrassment. He caught Nathanial's eyes and smiled weakly. ''Teaching is surely an admirable career to pursue,'' the portly one continued, impolitely loud. Bertie, who by Nathanial's estimation could be no more than twenty-two years of age, looked at his companion, and said in a quieter tone; ''That is as may be, but we live in trying times, and there are tales to tell. Allegory. It is the only way to'...'' ''Bertie, old chap, you are not one to draw the long bow. If you want fantastical tales, then all you need do is take a trip to Venus or Mercury. I hear tell that life there is quite fantastic.'' ''If I had such funds, then I surely would.'' Nathanial smiled at Bertie, and looked away. Right now he would have gladly exchanged places with Bertie. Teaching sounded positively more appealing than where he was going. Thinking of which'...Nathanial almost stumbled, but an arm shot out from one of the seats and steadied him. He looked down at the young man gratefully. ''Thank you,'' he said. ''You are most welcome,'' the man, Bertie, replied, his eyes alight with excitement. ''Would you care to trade places, sir?'' Nathanial asked wanly. For a second Bertie clearly believed the veracity of the offer, but then he merely smiled. ''I would if I could, sir, truly.'' Nathanial shrugged. ''Lucky me, then.'' He swallowed once again and joined Captain Folkard and the men at the door.'--Both samples from Chapter I: A Scientist Travels.Wells is the subject of the biographical novel A Man of Parts by David Lodge, published in 2011.

The Syfy original series Warehouse 13 (2009-2014) has the recurring character of H.G. Wells portrayed as Helena G. Wells.

BibliographyEdit^The Science Fiction and Fantasy Hall of Fame inducted Wells in 1997, its second class of two deceased and two living persons. SF magazine editors Gernsback and John W. Campbell were the deceased members in the first class, science fiction writers Wells and Isaac Asimov in the second class, Verne in the fourth class. Gernsbach, Wells, and Verne preceded other hall of fame members (now about 70) by one, two, and three generations."Science Fiction and Fantasy Hall of Fame". Mid American Science Fiction and Fantasy Conventions, Inc. Retrieved 2013-03-25. This was the official website of the hall of fame to 2004.ReferencesEdit^"Lost daughter of Wells' passion. (writer H.G. Wells) - Version details - Trove". Trove.nla.gov.au. 1996-08-11. Retrieved 2014-03-25. ^"Death Notice Summaries Available for Listings at A Memory Tree". Amemorytree.co.nz. Retrieved 2014-03-25. ^ abcParrinder, Patrick (2004). Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. ^Adam Charles Roberts (2000), "The History of Science Fiction": Page 48 in Science Fiction, Routledge, ISBN 0-415-19204-8.^Robert M. Philmus and David Y. Hughes, ed., H. G. Wells: Early Writings in Science and Science Fiction (Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: University of California Press, 1975), p. 179.^Vincent Brome, H. G. Wells: A Biography (London, New York, and Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1951).^Vincent Brome, H. G. Wells: A Biography (London, New York, and Toronto: Longmans, Green, 1951), p. 99.^ abWells, H. G. (2005) [First published 1905]. Gregory Claeys, Patrick Parrinder, ed. A Modern Utopia. Gregory Claeys, Francis Wheen, Andy Sawyer. Penguin Classics. ISBN 978-0-14-144112-2. ^ abcSmith, David C. (1986) H. G. Wells: Desperately mortal. A biography. Yale University Press, New Haven and London ISBN 0-300-03672-8^ abcWells, Geoffrey H. (1925). The Works of H. G. Wells. London: Routledge. p. xvi. ISBN 0-86012-096-1. OCLC 458934085. ^Batchelor, John (1985). H. G. Wells. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. p. 2. ISBN 0-521-27804-X. ^Reeves, M.S. Round About a Pound a Week. New York: Garland Pub., 1980. ISBN 0-8240-0119-2 Some of the text is available online.^"Hampstead: Education". A History of the County of Middlesex9: 159''169. 1989. Retrieved 9 June 2008. ^"A(lan) A(lexander) Milne (1882''1956)". Authors' Calendar. Retrieved 13 April 2007. ^On the 143rd anniversary of Wells's birth Google published a riddle with this location on Google Maps as the solution, but the significance of the 143rd birthday'--143 Maybury Road'--was not explained: Schofield, Jack (21 September 2009). "HG Wells - Google reveals answer to teaser doodles". The Guardian. Retrieved 19 July 2010. ^Batchelor (1985: 165)^Lynn, Andrea (2001). Shadow Lovers: The Last Affairs of H. G. Wells. Boulder, CO: Westview. pp. 10; 14; 47 et sec. ISBN 978-0-8133-3394-6. ^Margaret Drabble (1 April 2005). "A room of her own". The Guardian. ^Pegasos '' A Literature Related Resource Site. H(erbert) G(eorge) Wells (1866''1946).^Wells, Herbert George (1934). Experiment in Autobiography. Discoveries and Conclusions of a Very Ordinary Brain (Since 1866). Retrieved from http://gutenberg.ca/ebooks/wellshg-autobiography/wellshg-autobiography-00-h-dir/wellshg-autobiography-00-h.html.^"H. G. Wells' cartoons, a window on his second marriage, focus of new book | Archives | News Bureau". University of Illinois. 31 May 2006. Retrieved 10 June 2012. ^Rinkel, Gene and Margaret. The Picshuas of H. G. Wells: A burlesque diary. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2006. ISBN 0-252-03045-1 (cloth : acid-free paper).^"Annual HG Wells Award for Outstanding Contributions to Transhumanism". Web.archive.org. 20 May 2009. Archived from the original on 20 May 2009. Retrieved 10 June 2012. ^Turner, Frank Miller (1993). "Public Science in Britain 1880''1919". Contesting Cultural Authority: Essays in Victorian Intellectual Life. Cambridge University Press. pp. 219''20. ISBN 0-521-37257-7. ^Richard Rhodes (1986). The Making of the Atomic Bomb. New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 24. ISBN 0-684-81378-5. ^"The Outline of History '' H. G. Wells". Cs.clemson.edu. 20 April 2003. Retrieved 21 September 2009. ^"Wells, H. G. 1922. A Short History of the World". Bartleby.com. Retrieved 21 September 2009. ^A Modern Utopia^Cowley, Malcolm. "Outline of Wells's History." The New Republic Vol. 81 Issue 1041, 14 November 1934 (p. 22''23).^At the time of the alleged infringement in 1919-20, unpublished works were protected in Canada under common law.Magnusson, Denis N. (Spring 2004). "Hell Hath No Fury: Copyright Lawyers' Lessons from Deeks v. Wells". Queen's Law Journal29: 692, note 39. ^Magnusson, Denis N. (Spring 2004). "Hell Hath No Fury: Copyright Lawyers' Lessons from Deeks v. Wells". Queen's Law Journal29: 682. ^McKillop, A. B. (2000) Macfarlane Walter & Ross, Toronto^Deeks, Florence A. (1930s) "Plagiarism?" unpublished typescript, copy in Deeks Fonds, Baldwin Room, Toronto Reference Library, Toronto, Ontario^Magnusson, Denis N. (Spring 2004). "Hell Hath No Fury: Copyright Lawyers' Lessons from Deeks v. Wells". Queen's Law Journal29: 680, 684. ^"9. The Last War Cyclone, 1940''50". The shape of things to come: the ultimate revolution (Penguin 2005 ed.). 1933. p. 208. ISBN 0-14-144104-6. ^Wagar, W. Warren (2004). H. G. Wells: traversing time. Middletown, Conn: Wesleyan University Press. p. 209. ISBN 0-8195-6725-6. ^Wells, Frank. H. G. Wells'--A Pictorial Biography. London: Jupiter Books, 1977, p. 91.^The Miniatures Page. The World of Miniatures '' An Overview.^Cole, Margaret (1974). "H. G. Wells and the Fabian Society". In Morris, A. J. Anthony. Edwardian radicalism, 1900''1914: some aspects of British radicalism. London: Routledge. pp. 97''114. ISBN 0-7100-7866-8. ^ ab"The Time Machine". Retrieved 10 June 2012. ^H. G. Wells, The Way the World is Going. London, Ernest Benn, 1928, (p. 49).^Wells, H. G. The Open Conspiracy: Blue Prints for a World Revolution (Garden City, New York: Doubleday, Doran, 1928), (pp. 28, 44, 196).^Mazower, Mark, Dark Continent:Europe's Twentieth Century. New York : A.A. Knopf, 1998. ISBN 0679438092 (p. 21''22).^Coupland, Philip (October 2000). "H. G. Wells's "Liberal Fascism"". Journal of Contemporary History35 (4): 549. ^Partington, John S. Building Cosmopolis: The Political Thought of H. G. Wells. Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2003. ISBN 0754634837, (p. 16).^"H. G. Wells and the uses of Degeneration in Literature". Bbk.ac.uk. 1946-08-17. Retrieved 2014-03-25. ^Andrew Clapham, Human Rights:A Very Short Introduction. Oxford : Oxford University Press, 2007. ISBN 9780199205523 (pp. 29-31).^ abH. G. Wells, The Future in America (New York and London: Harper and Brothers, 1906), p. 201 (Chs.11 & 12,).^Virginia L. Denton, Booker T. Washington and the Adult Education Movement. University Press of Florida, 1993. ISBN 0813011825. (p. 150, 231)^What is Coming? A Forecast of things after the war, London, Cassell, 1916 (p. 256).^H. G. Wells, The Outline of History, 3rd ed. rev. (NY: Macmillan, 1921), p. 110 (Ch. XII, §§1''2).^Susan D. Pennybacker, From Scottsboro to Munich: race and political culture in 1930s Britain Princeton University Press, 2009. ISBN 0691088284, (p. 29).^ ab"What a Zulu Thinks of the English" was reprinted as "The Rights of Man in South Africa" in '42 to '44: A Contemporary Memoir (London, Secker and Warburg, 1944) (p. 68''74).^ abRobert Crossley, "Wells's Common Readers" in Patrick Parrinder and Christopher Rolfe, H. G. Wells Under Revision: Proceedings of the International Hg Wells Symposium London July 1986. Associated University Press, 1990. ISBN 0945636059, (p. 247).^ abJohn Huntington, Critical essays on H. G. Wells. G. K. Hall, 1991. ISBN 0816188564 (p. 176,177, 179)^Cheyette, Bryan. Constructions of "the Jew" in English Literature and Society. Cambridge University Press, 1995, pp. 143''148^Hamerow, Theodore S. Why we watched: Europe, America, and the Holocaust. W. W. Norton & Company, 2008., pp. 98''100, 219^"Desirable Aliens: British Men of Letters on The Jews". The Review of Reviews Vol. XXXIII Jan''Jun 1906, p. 378^Lodge, David (2011). A Man of Parts. London: Secker. p. 521. ISBN 9781846554964. ^H. G. Wells: Why Britain Went To War (10 August 1914). The War Illustrated album de luxe. The story of the great European war told by camera, pen and pencil. The Amalgamated Press, London 1915^Daily Herald, 27 May 1916^Wells, H. G. (1916). "The White Man's Burthen". What is coming? : a forecast of things after the war. London: Cassell. p. 240. ISBN 0-554-16469-8. OCLC 9446824. ^Wells, H. G. (1918). "The League must be representative". In the Fourth Year. London: Chatto and Windus. ISBN 1-4191-2598-2. OCLC 458935146. "The president ... is chosen by a special college elected by the people .... Is there any reason why we should not adopt this method in this sending representatives to the Council of the League of Nations?" ^"The Necessary Powers of the League". In the Fourth Year. "[T]he League of Free Nations, if it is to be a reality ... must do no less than supersede Empire; it must end not only this new German imperialism, which is struggling so savagely and powerfully to possess the earth, but it must also wind up British imperialism and French imperialism, which do now so largely and inaggressively possess it." ^Experiment in Autobiography 556. Also chapter four of Future as Nightmare: H. G. Wells and the Anti-Utopians by Mark Robert Hillegas.^Experiment in Autobiography, pp. 215, 687''689^"Joseph Stalin and H. G. Wells, Marxism vs. Liberalism: An Interview". Rationalrevolution.net. Retrieved 10 June 2012. ^Raymond Plummer, Nothing Need be Ugly Design & Industries Assn. Jun 1985^Haire, Norman (1924), Rejuvenation : the work of Steinach, Voronoff, and others, G. Allen & Unwin, retrieved 15 April 2013 ^Diana Wyndham. "'Norman Haire and the Study of Sex'". Foreword by the Hon. Michael Kirby AC CMG. Sydney: "Sydney University Press". , 2012, p. 117^'Human Rights and Public Accountability in H. G. Wells' Functional World State' | John Partington. Academia.edu. Retrieved on 9 August 2013.^Wells, H. G. (1917). "Preface". God the Invisible King. London: Cassell. ISBN 0-585-00604-0. OCLC 261326125. Link to the online book.^Wells (1917: "The cosmology of modern religion")^Wells, H. G. (1908). First & last things; a confession of faith and rules of life. Putnam. pp. 77''80. OCLC 68958585. ^Orwell, George (August 1941). "Wells, Hitler and the World State". Horizon. ^Chesterton's reference is to the biblical "mess of pottage", implying that Wells had sold out his artistic birthright in mid-career: Rolfe, Christopher; Parrinder, Patrick (1990). H. G. Wells under revision: proceedings of the International H. G. Wells Symposium, London, Jul 1986. Selinsgrove, PA: Susquehanna University Press. p. 9. ISBN 0-945636-05-9. ^"HG Wells '' Diabetes UK". Diabetes.org.uk. 14 April 2008. Retrieved 10 June 2012. ^Flynn, John L. "The legacy of Orson Welles and the Radio Broadcast". War of the Worlds: from Wells to Spielberg by. Owens Mills, MD: Galactic. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-9769400-0-5. ^"H. G. Wells Dies in London". St. Petersburg Times. 13 August 1946. Retrieved 29 October 2008. ^"Calendar". Classics & Cheese. Retrieved 12 February 2008. ^"Preface to the 1941 edition of The War in the Air". Retrieved 11 February 2008. ^West, Anthony. H. G. Wells: Aspects of a Life, p. 153. London: Hutchinson & Co, 1984. ISBN 0-09-134540-5.^ abJohn Clute, Science Fiction :The Illustrated Encyclopedia. Dorling Kindersley London, ISBN 0751302023 (p. 114''15).^Andy Sawyer, "[William] Olaf Stapledon (1886''1950)", in Fifty Key Figures in Science Fiction. New York: Routledge, 2010. ISBN 0203874706 (pp. 205''210).^ abRichard Bleiler, "John Davis Beresford (1873''1947)" in Darren Harris-Fain, ed. British Fantasy and Science Fiction Writers Before World War I. Detroit, MI: Gale Research, 1997. (pp. 27''34). ISBN 0810399415^Brian Stableford, "Against the New Gods: The Speculative Fiction of S. Fowler Wright". in Against the New Gods and Other Essays on Writers of Imaginative Fiction Wildside Press LLC, 2009 ISBN 1434457435 (pp. 9''90).^"Mitchison, Naomi", in Science Fiction and Fantasy Literature: A Checklist, 1700''1974 : with Contemporary Science Fiction Authors II. Robert Reginald, Douglas Menville, Mary A. Burgess Detroit - Gale Research Company. ISBN 0810310511 (p.1002)^Michael D. Sharp, Popular Contemporary Writers, Marshall Cavendish, 2005 ISBN 0761476016, (p. 422)^Michael R. Collings, Brian Aldiss. Mercer Island, WA : Starmont House, 1986. ISBN 0916732746 (p. 60).^In Memory Yet Green: The Autobiography of Isaac Asimov 1920''1954 Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday, 1979. (p. 167)^Vertex Magazine Interview at the Wayback Machine (archived October 21, 2012) with Frank Herbert, by Paul Turner. October 1973 Volume 1, Issue 4.^ abcJohn Huntington, "Utopian and Anti-Utopian Logic: H. G. Wells and his Successors". Science Fiction Studies, July 1982.^ abcGeorge Hay, "Shiel Versus the Renegade Romantic", in A. Reynolds Morse, Shiel in Diverse Hands: A Collection of Essays. Cleveland, OH: Reynolds Morse Foundation, 1983. (pp. 109''113).^Rolfe; Parrinder (1990: 226)^Lewis, C. S., Surprised by Joy: The Shape of My Early Life. New York & London: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1955. p. 36.^R. A. York, The Extension of Life: Fiction and History in the American Novel. Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2003. ISBN 0838639895, (p. 40.)Further readingEditDickson, Lovat. H. G. Wells: His Turbulent Life & Times. 1969.Gilmour, David. The Long Recessional: The Imperial Life of Rudyard Kipling. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2002 (paperback, ISBN 0-374-18702-9); 2003 (paperback, ISBN 0-374-52896-9).Gomme, A. W., Mr. Wells as Historian. Glasgow: MacLehose, Jackson, and Co., 1921.Gosling, John. Waging the War of the Worlds. Jefferson, North Carolina, McFarland, 2009 (paperback, ISBN 0-7864-4105-4).Mauthner, Martin. German Writers in French Exile, 1933''1940, London: Vallentine and Mitchell, 2007, ISBN 978-0-85303-540-4.McLean, Steven. 'The Early Fiction of H. G. Wells: Fantasies of Science'. Palgrave, 2009, ISBN 9780230535626.Partington, John S. Building Cosmopolis: The Political Thought of H. G. Wells. Ashgate, 2003, ISBN 978-0754634839.Sherborne. Michael. H. G. Wells: Another Kind of Life. London: Peter Owen, 2010, ISBN 978-0-72061-351-3.West, Anthony. H. G. Wells: Aspects of a Life. London: Hutchinson, 1984.Foot, Michael. H. G.: History of Mr. Wells. Doubleday, 1985 (ISBN 978-1-887178-04-4), Black Swan, New edition, Oct 1996 (paperback, ISBN 0-552-99530-4)External linksEditSources'--collections

Sources'--letters, essays and interviews

Archive of Wells's BBC broadcastsFilm interview with H. G. Wells"Stephen Crane. From an English Standpoint", by Wells, 1900.Rabindranath Tagore: In conversation with H. G. Wells. Rabindranath Tagore and Wells conversing in Geneva in 1930."Introduction", to W. N. P. Barbellion's The Journal of a Disappointed Man, by Wells, 1919."Woman and Primitive Culture", by Wells, 1895.Letter, to M. P. Shiel, by Wells, 1937.New Statesman '' In the footsteps of H G Wells at www.newstatesman.com, H. G. Wells called for a Human Rights Act.Biography

Critical essays

"Socialism and the Family" (1906) by Belfort Bax, Part 1, Part 2."H. G. Wells warned us how it would feel to fight a War of the Worlds", by Niall Ferguson, in The Telegraph, 24 Jun 2005."H. G. Wells's Idea of a World Brain: A Critical Re-assessment", by W. Boyd Rayward, in Journal of the American Society for Information Science 50 (15 May 1999): 557''579"Mr H. G. Wells and the Giants", by G. K. Chesterton, from his book Heretics (1908)."The Internet: a world brain?", by Martin Gardner, in Skeptical Inquirer, Jan''Feb 1999."Science Fiction: The Shape of Things to Come", by Mark Bould, in The Socialist Review, May 2005."Who needs Utopia? A dialogue with my utopian self (with apologies, and thanks, to H. G. Wells)", by Gregory Claeys in Spaces of Utopia: An Electronic Journal, no 1, Spring 2006."When H. G. Wells Split the Atom: A 1914 Preview of 1945", by Freda Kirchwey, in The Nation, posted 4 Sep 2003 (original 18 Aug 1945 issue).''Evil is in the Eye of the Beholder: Threatening Children in Two Edwardian Speculative Satires,'' by George M. Johnson. Science Fiction Studies. Vol. 41, No.1 (March 2014): 26-44."Wells, Hitler and the World State", by George Orwell. First published: Horizon. GB, London. Aug 1941."War of the Worldviews", by John J. Miller, in The Wall Street Journal Opinion Journal, 21 Jun 2005."Wells' Autobiography", by John Hart, from New International, Vol.2 No.2, Mar 1935, pp. 75''76"History in the Science Fiction of H. G. Wells", by Patrick Parrinder, Cycnos, 22.2 (2006)."From the World Brain to the Worldwide Web", by Martin Campbell-Kelly, Gresham College Lecture, 9 Nov 2006."The Beginning of Wisdom: On Reading H. G. Wells", by Vivian Gornick, "Boston Review", 31.1 (2007).John Hammond, The Complete List of Short Stories of H. G. WellsBiography at a website examining the legacy of The War Of The Worlds"H. G. Wells Predictions Ring True, 143 Years Later" at National GeographicPersondataNameWells, Herbert GeorgeAlternative namesWells, H. G.Short descriptionEnglish novelist, teacher, historian and journalistDate of birth21 September 1866Place of birthBromley, Kent, EnglandDate of death13 August 1946Place of deathLondon, United Kingdom

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The Rt HonCecil John RhodesDCL (5 July 1853 '' 26 March 1902)[1] was a British businessman, mining magnate, and politician in South Africa. Rhodes was named the chairman of De Beers at the company's founding in 1888.[2] De Beers, established with funding from NM Rothschild & Sons Limited in 1887,[3] today markets 40% of the world's rough diamonds, and at one time marketed 90%.[4] An ardent believer in British colonialism, Rhodes was the founder of the southern African territory of Rhodesia, which was named after him in 1895. South Africa's Rhodes University is also named after Rhodes. He set up the provisions of the Rhodes Scholarship, which is funded by his estate.

Historian Richard A. McFarlane has called Rhodes "as integral a participant in southern African and British imperial history as George Washington or Abraham Lincoln are in their respective eras in United States history... Most histories of South Africa covering the last decades of the nineteenth century are contributions to the historiography of Cecil Rhodes."[5]

ChildhoodEditEnglandEditRhodes was born in 1853 in Bishop's Stortford, Hertfordshire, England. He was the fifth son of the Reverend Francis William Rhodes and his wife Louisa Peacock Rhodes. His father was a Church of Englandvicar who was proud of never having preached a sermon longer than 10 minutes. His siblings included Francis William Rhodes, who became an army officer.

Rhodes attended the Bishop's StortfordGrammar School from the age of nine, but, as a sickly, asthmatic adolescent, he was taken out of grammar school in 1869 and, according to Basil Williams,[6] "continued his studies under his father's eye...His health was weak and there were even fears that he might be consumptive, a disease of which several of the family showed symptoms. His father therefore determined to send him abroad to try the effect of a sea voyage and a better climate. Herbert [Cecil's brother] had already set up as a planter in Natal, South Africa, so Cecil was despatched on a sailing vessel to join Herbert in Natal. The voyage to Durban took him seventy days, and on 1 September 1870 he first set foot on African soil, a tall, lanky, anaemic, fair-haired boy, shy and reserved in bearing." His family's hope was that the climate would improve his health. They expected he would help his older brother Herbert[7] who operated a cotton farm.[8]

South AfricaEditWhen he first came to Africa, Rhodes lived on money lent by his aunt Sophia.[9] After a brief stay with the Surveyor-General of Natal, Dr. P.C. Sutherland, in Pietermaritzburg, Rhodes took an interest in agriculture. He joined his brother Herbert on his cotton farm in the Umkomazi valley in Natal. The land was unsuitable for cotton, and the venture failed.

In October 1871, 18-year-old Rhodes and his brother Herbert left the colony for the diamond fields of Kimberley. Financed by N M Rothschild & Sons, Rhodes succeeded over the next 17 years in buying up all the smaller diamond mining operations in the Kimberley area. His monopoly of the world's diamond supply was sealed in 1889 through a strategic partnership with the London-based Diamond Syndicate. They agreed to control world supply to maintain high prices.[10][11] Rhodes supervised the working of his brother's claim and speculated on his behalf. Among his associates in the early days were John X. Merriman and Charles Rudd, who later became his partner in the De Beers Mining Company and the Niger Oil Company.

During the 1880s Cape vineyards had been devastated by a phylloxera epidemic. The diseased vineyards were dug up and replanted, and farmers were looking for alternatives to wine. In 1892, Rhodes financed The Pioneer Fruit Growing Company at Nooitgedacht, a venture created by Harry Pickstone, an Englishman who had experience with fruit-growing in California.[12] The shipping magnate Percy Molteno had just undertaken the first successful refrigerated export to Europe and in 1896, after consulting with Molteno, Rhodes began to pay more attention to export fruit farming and bought farms in Groot Drakenstein, Wellington and Stellenbosch.[13][14] A year later, he bought Rhone and Boschendal and commissioned Sir Herbert Baker to build him a cottage there.[12][15] The successful operation soon expanded into Rhodes Fruit Farms, and formed a cornerstone of the modern-day Cape fruit industry.[16][17]

EducationEditIn 1873, Rhodes left his farm field in the care of his business partner, Rudd, and sailed for England to complete his studies. He was admitted to Oriel College, Oxford, but stayed for only one term in 1873. He returned to South Africa and did not return for his second term at Oxford until 1876. He was greatly influenced by John Ruskin's inaugural lecture at Oxford, which reinforced his own attachment to the cause of British imperialism. Among his Oxford associates were James Rochfort Maguire, later a fellow of All Souls College and a director of the British South Africa Company, and Charles Metcalfe. Due to his university career, Rhodes admired the Oxford "system". Eventually he was inspired to develop his scholarship scheme: "Wherever you turn your eye'--except in science'--an Oxford man is at the top of the tree".

While attending Oriel College, Rhodes became a Freemason in the Apollo University Lodge. Although initially he did not approve of the organisation, he continued to be a Freemason until his death in 1902. The shortcomings of the Freemasons, in his opinion, later caused him to envisage his own secret society with the goal of bringing the entire world under British rule.[8][18]

During his years at Oxford, Rhodes continued to prosper in Kimberley. Before his departure for Oxford, he and C.D. Rudd had moved from the Kimberley Mine to invest in the more costly claims of what was known as old De Beers (Vooruitzicht). It was named after Johannes Nicolaas de Beer and his brother, Diederik Arnoldus, who occupied the farm. After purchasing the land in 1839 from David Danser, a Koranna chief in the area, David Stephanus Fourie, Claudine Fourie-Grosvenor's forebearer, had allowed the de Beers and various other Afrikaner families to cultivate the land. The region extended from the Modder River via the Vet River up to the Vaal River.[19][20][21]

In 1874 and 1875, the diamond fields were in the grip of depression, but Rhodes and Rudd were among those who stayed to consolidate their interests. They believed that diamonds would be numerous in the hard blue ground that had been exposed after the softer, yellow layer near the surface had been worked out. During this time, the technical problem of clearing out the water that was flooding the mines became serious. Rhodes and Rudd obtained the contract for pumping water out of the three main mines. It was during this period that Jim B. Taylor, still a young boy and helping to work his father's claim, first met Rhodes. After Rhodes returned from his first term at Oxford he lived with Robert Dundas Graham, who later became a mining partner with Rudd and Rhodes.[22]

On 13 March 1888, Rhodes and Rudd launched De Beers Consolidated Mines after the amalgamation of a number of individual claims. With £200,000[23] of capital, the company, of which Rhodes was secretary, owned the largest interest in the mine.

Politics in South AfricaEditIn 1880, Rhodes prepared to enter public life at the Cape. With the earlier incorporation of Griqualand West into the Cape Colony under the Molteno Ministry in 1877, the area had obtained six seats in the Cape House of Assembly. Rhodes chose the rural and predominately Boer constituency of Barkly West, which would remain faithful to Rhodes until his death.

When Rhodes became a member of the Cape Parliament, the chief goal of the assembly was to help decide the future of Basutoland. The ministry of Sir Gordon Sprigg was trying to restore order after the 1880 rebellion known as the Gun War. The Sprigg ministry had precipitated the revolt by applying its policy of disarming Africans to the Basuto.

In 1890, Rhodes became Prime Minister of the Cape Colony and implemented laws that would benefit mine and industry owners. He introduced the Glen Grey Act to push black people from their lands and make way for industrial development. The growing number of enfranchised Black people in the Cape led him to raise the franchise requirements in 1892 to counter this preponderance, with drastic effects on the traditional Cape Qualified Franchise.[24] He also introduced educational reform to the area. Rhodes' policies were instrumental in the development of British imperial policies in South Africa, such as the Hut tax.

Rhodes did not, however, have direct political power over the Boer Republic of the Transvaal. He often disagreed with the Transvaal government's policies, which he considered unsupportive of mine-owners' interests. In 1895, believing he could use his influence to overthrow the Boer government, Rhodes supported the infamous Jameson Raid, an attack on the Transvaal with the tacit approval of Secretary of State for the Colonies Joseph Chamberlain. The raid was a catastrophic failure. It forced Cecil Rhodes to resign as Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, sent his oldest brother Col. Frank Rhodes to jail in Transvaal convicted of high treason and nearly sentenced to death, and led to the outbreak of both the Second Matabele War and the Second Boer War.

Expanding the British EmpireEditRhodes and the imperial factorEditRhodes used his wealth and that of his business partner Alfred Beit and other investors to pursue his dream of creating a British Empire in new territories to the north by obtaining mineral concessions from the most powerful indigenouschiefs. Rhodes' competitive advantage over other mineral prospecting companies was his combination of wealth and astute political instincts, also called the 'imperial factor', as he used the British Government. He befriended its local representatives, the British Commissioners, and through them organised British protectorates over the mineral concession areas via separate but related treaties. In this way he obtained both legality and security for mining operations. He could then win over more investors. Imperial expansion and capital investment went hand in hand.[25]

The imperial factor was a double-edged sword: Rhodes did not want the bureaucrats of the Colonial Office in London to interfere in the Empire in Africa. He wanted British settlers and local politicians and governors to run it. This put him on a collision course with many in Britain, as well as with British missionaries, who favoured what they saw as the more ethical direct rule from London. Rhodes won because he would pay to administer the territories north of South Africa against future mining profits. The Colonial Office did not have the funds to do it. Rhodes promoted his business interests as in the strategic interest of Britain: preventing the Portuguese, the Germans or the Boers from moving into south-central Africa. Rhodes' companies and agents cemented these advantages by obtaining many mining concessions, as exemplified by the Rudd and Lochner Concessions.[25]

Treaties, concessions and chartersEditRhodes had already tried and failed to get a mining concession from Lobengula, king of the Ndebele of Matabeleland. In 1888 he tried again. He sent John Moffat, son of the missionary Robert Moffat, who was trusted by Lobengula, to persuade the latter to sign a treaty of friendship with Britain, and to look favourably on Rhodes' proposals. His agent Francis Thompson, who had travelled to Bulawayo in the company of Charles Rudd and Rochfort Maguire, assured Lobengula that no more than ten white men would mine in Matabeleland. This limitation was left out of the document, known as the Rudd Concession, which Lobengula signed. Furthermore it stated that the mining companies could do anything necessary to their operations. When Lobengula discovered later the true effects of the concession, he tried to renounce it, but the British Government ignored him.[25]

Armed with the Rudd Concession, in 1889 Rhodes obtained a charter from the British Government for his British South Africa Company (BSAC) to rule, police, and make new treaties and concessions from the Limpopo River to the great lakes of Central Africa. He obtained further concessions and treaties north of the Zambezi, such as those in Barotseland (the Lochner Concession with King Lewanika in 1890, which was similar to the Rudd Concession); and in the Lake Mweru area (Alfred Sharpe's 1890 Kazembe concession). Rhodes also sent Sharpe to get a concession over mineral-rich Katanga, but met his match in ruthlessness: when Sharpe was rebuffed by its ruler Msiri, King Leopold II of Belgium obtained a concession over Msiri's dead body for his Congo Free State.[26]

Rhodes also wanted Bechuanaland Protectorate (now Botswana) under the BSAC charter. But three Tswana kings, including Khama III, travelled to Britain and won over British public opinion for it to remain governed by the British Colonial Office in London. Rhodes commented: "It is humiliating to be utterly beaten by these niggers."[25]

The British Colonial Office also decided to administer British Central Africa (Nyasaland, today's Malawi) owing to the activism of Scotsmissionaries trying to end the slave trade. Rhodes paid much of the cost so that the British Central Africa Commissioner Sir Harry Johnston, and his successor Alfred Sharpe, would assist with security for Rhodes in the BSAC's north-eastern territories. Johnston shared Rhodes' expansionist views, but he and his successors were not as pro-settler as Rhodes, and disagreed on dealings with Africans.

RhodesiaEditThe BSAC had its own police force, the British South Africa Police, which was used to control Matabeleland and Mashonaland, in present-day Zimbabwe.[citation needed] The company had hoped to start a "new Rand" from the ancient gold mines of the Shona. Because the gold deposits were on a much smaller scale, many of the white settlers who accompanied the BSAC to Mashonaland became farmers rather than miners. When the Ndebele and the Shona'--the two main, but rival, peoples'--separately rebelled against the coming of the European settlers, the BSAC defeated them in the First Matabele War and Second Matabele War. Shortly after learning of the assassination of the Ndebele spiritual leader, Mlimo, by the American scout Frederick Russell Burnham, Rhodes walked unarmed into the Ndebele stronghold in Matobo Hills. He persuaded the Impi to lay down their arms, thus ending the Second Matabele War.[27]

By the end of 1894, the territories over which the BSAC had concessions or treaties, collectively called "Zambesia" after the Zambezi River flowing through the middle, comprised an area of 1,143,000 km² between the Limpopo River and Lake Tanganyika. In May 1895, its name was officially changed to "Rhodesia", reflecting Rhodes' popularity among settlers who had been using the name informally since 1891. The designation Southern Rhodesia was officially adopted in 1898 for the part south of the Zambezi, which later became Zimbabwe; and the designations North-Western and North-Eastern Rhodesia were used from 1895 for the territory which later became Northern Rhodesia, then Zambia.[28][29]

Rhodes decreed in his will that he was to be buried in Matobo Hills. After his death in the Cape in 1902, his body was transported by train to Bulawayo. His burial was attended by Ndebele chiefs, who asked that the firing party should not discharge their rifles as this would disturb the spirits. Then, for the first time, they gave a white man the Matabele royal salute, Bayete. Rhodes was buried alongside Leander Starr Jameson and 34 British soldiers killed in the Shangani Patrol.[30] Despite occasional efforts to return his body to the United Kingdom, his grave remains there still, "part and parcel of the history of Zimbabwe" and attracts thousands of visitors each year. [31]

"Cape to Cairo Red Line"EditMap showing almost complete British control of the Cape to Cairo route, 1914 British control

One of Rhodes' dreams (and the dream of many other members of the British Empire) was for a "red line" on the map from the Cape to Cairo. (On geo-political maps, British dominions were always denoted in red or pink.) Rhodes had been instrumental in securing southern African states for the Empire. He and others felt the best way to "unify the possessions, facilitate governance, enable the military to move quickly to hot spots or conduct war, help settlement, and foster trade" would be to build the "Cape to Cairo Railway".

This enterprise was not without its problems. France had a rival strategy in the late 1890s to link its colonies from west to east across the continent. The Portuguese produced the "Pink Map", representing their claims to sovereignty in Africa.

Political viewsEditRhodes wanted to expand the British Empire because he believed that the Anglo-Saxonrace was destined to greatness. In his last will and testament, Rhodes said of the British, "I contend that we are the finest race in the world and that the more of the world we inhabit the better it is for the human race. Just fancy those parts that are at present inhabited by the most despicable specimens of human beings what an alteration there would be if they were brought under Anglo-Saxon influence, look again at the extra employment a new country added to our dominions gives."[32] He wanted to make the British Empire a superpower in which all of the British-dominated countries in the empire, including Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and Cape Colony, would be represented in the British Parliament.[33] Rhodes included American students as eligible for the Rhodes scholarships. He said that he wanted to breed an American elite of philosopher-kings who would have the United States rejoin the British Empire. As Rhodes also respected the Germans and admired the Kaiser, he allowed German students to be included in the Rhodes scholarships. He believed that eventually the United Kingdom (including Ireland), the USA, and Germany together would dominate the world and ensure peace.[9]

On domestic politics within the United Kingdom, Rhodes was a supporter of the Liberal Party.[9] Rhodes' only major impact on domestic politics within the United Kingdom was his support of the Irish nationalist party, led by Charles Stewart Parnell (1846''1891). He contributed a great deal of money to the Irish nationalists,[8][9] although Rhodes made his support conditional upon an autonomous Ireland's still being represented in the British Parliament.[9] Rhodes was such a strong supporter of Parnell that, after the Liberals and the Irish nationalists disowned Parnell because of his affair with the wife of another Irish nationalist, Rhodes continued his support.[8]

Rhodes was more tolerant of the Dutch-speaking whites in the Cape Colony than were the other English-speaking whites in the Cape Colony. He supported teaching Dutch as well as English in public schools in the Cape Colony and lent money to support this cause. While Prime Minister of the Cape Colony, he helped to remove most of the legal disabilities that English-speaking whites had imposed on Dutch-speaking whites.[9] He was a friend of Jan Hofmeyr, leader of the Afrikaner Bond, and it was largely because of Afrikaner support that he became Prime Minister of the Cape Colony.[8][9] Rhodes advocated greater self-government for the Cape Colony, in line with his preference for the empire to be controlled by local settlers and politicians rather than by London (see "Rhodes and the imperial factor" above).

Personal relationshipsEditSexualityEditRhodes never married, pleading "I have too much work on my hands" and saying that he would not be a dutiful husband.[34] Some writers and academics[35][36] have suggested that Rhodes may have been homosexual. The scholar Richard Brown observed: "there is still the simpler but major problem of the extraordinarily thin evidence on which the conclusions about Rhodes are reached. Rhodes himself left few details... Indeed, Rhodes is a singularly difficult subject... since there exists little intimate material '' no diaries and few personal letters."[37]

Brown also comments: "On the issue of Rhodes' sexuality... there is, once again, simply not enough reliable evidence to reach firm, irrefutable conclusions. It is inferred, but not proven, that Rhodes was homosexual and it is assumed (but not proven) that his relationships with men were sometimes physical. Neville Pickering is described as Rhodes' lover in spite of the absence of decisive evidence."[37] Rhodes was close to Pickering; he returned from negotiations for Pickering's 25th birthday in 1882. On that occasion, Rhodes drew up a new will leaving his estate to Pickering.[34] Two years later, Pickering suffered a riding accident. Rhodes nursed him faithfully for six weeks, refusing even to answer telegrams concerning his business interests. Pickering died in Rhodes's arms, and at his funeral, Rhodes was said to have wept with fervour.[35]

His successor was Henry Latham Currey, the son of an old friend, who had become Rhodes's private secretary in 1884.[38] When Currey was engaged in 1894, Rhodes was deeply mortified and their relationship split.[39]

Rhodes also remained close to Leander Starr Jameson after the two had met in Kimberley, where they shared a bungalow.[40] In 1896 Earl Grey came to give Rhodes bad news. Rhodes instantly jumped to the conclusion that Jameson, who was ill, had died. On learning that his house had burnt down he commented, "Thank goodness. If Dr. Jim had died, I should never have got over it."[41] Jameson nursed Rhodes during his final illness, was a trustee of his estate and residuary beneficiary of his will, which allowed him to continue living in Rhodes' mansion after his death. Rhodes' secretary, Jourdan, who was present shortly after Rhodes' death said, "Jameson was fighting against his own grief ... No mother could have displayed more tenderness towards the remains of a loved son". Jameson died in England in 1917, but after the war in 1920 his body was transferred to a grave beside that of Rhodes on Malindidzimu Hill or World's View, a granite hill in the Matopo National Park 40 km south of Bulawayo.[42]

Princess RadziwiłłEditIn the last years of his life, Rhodes was stalked by Polish princess Catherine Radziwiłł, born Rzewuska, married into a noble Polish-Lithuanian dynasty called Radziwiłł. Radziwiłł falsely claimed that she was engaged to Rhodes, or that they were having an affair. She asked him to marry her, but Rhodes refused. She got revenge by accusing him of loan fraud. He had to go to trial and testify against her accusation. He died shortly after the trial in 1902. She wrote a biography of Rhodes called Cecil Rhodes: Man and Empire Maker. Her accusations were eventually proved false.[8][43]

Boer WarsEditDuring the Boer Wars Rhodes went to Kimberley at the onset of the siege, in a calculated move to raise the political stakes on the government to dedicate resources to the defence of the city. The military felt he was more of a liability than an asset and found him intolerable. In particular, Lieutenant Colonel Kekewich disliked Rhodes because of Rhodes' inability to co-operate with the military;[44] Rhodes insisted that the military should adopt his plans and ideas instead of following their orders.[8][45] Despite the differences, Rhodes' company was instrumental in the defence of the city, providing water, refrigeration facilities, constructing fortifications, manufacturing an armoured train, shells and a one-off gun named Long Cecil.[46]

Rhodes used his position and influence to lobby the British government to relieve the siege of Kimberley, claiming in the press that the situation in the city was desperate. The military wanted to assemble a large force to take the Boer cities of Bloemfontein and Pretoria, but they were compelled to change their plans and send three separate smaller forces to relieve the sieges of Kimberley, Mafeking and Ladysmith.[47]

Death and legacyEditAlthough Rhodes remained a leading figure in the politics of southern Africa, especially during the Second Boer War, he was dogged by ill health throughout his relatively short life. He was sent to Natal aged 16 because it was believed the climate might help problems with his heart. On returning to England in 1872 his health again deteriorated with heart and lung problems, to the extent that his doctor, Sir Morell Mackenzie, believed he would only survive six months. He returned to Kimberley where his health improved. From age 40 his heart condition returned with increasing severity until his death from heart failure in 1902, aged 48, at his seaside cottage in Muizenberg.[1] The Government arranged an epic journey by train from the Cape to Rhodesia, with the funeral train stopping at every station to allow mourners to pay their respects. He was finally laid to rest at World's View, a hilltop located approximately 35 kilometres (22 mi) south of Bulawayo, in what was then Rhodesia. Today, his grave site is part of Matobo National Park, Zimbabwe.

The continued presence of Rhodes' grave in the Matopos hills has not been without controversy in contemporary Zimbabwe. In December 2010 Cain Mathema, the governor of Bulawayo, branded Rhodes' grave outside the country's second city of Bulawayo an "insult to the African ancestors" and said he believed its presence had brought bad luck and poor weather to the region. The grave site is considered an important national and historic monument on protected land which attracts a lot of tourist visitors every year.[48]

In February 2012, Mugabe loyalists and ZANU-PF activists visited the grave site demanding permission from the local chief to exhume Rhodes' remains and return them to Britain. This was considered a nationalist political stunt in the run up to an election, rather than representing any genuine national desire to remove the grave. Local Chief Masuku and Godfrey Mahachi, one of the country's foremost archaeologists, strongly expressed their opposition to the grave being removed due to its historical significance to Zimbabwe. President Robert Mugabe has also opposed any such move.[49]

In 2004, he was voted 56th in the SABC3 television series Great South Africans.[50]

At his death he was considered one of the wealthiest men in the world. In his first will, written in 1877 before he had accumulated his wealth, Rhodes wanted to create a secret society that would bring the whole world under British rule.[8] The exact wording from this will is:

To and for the establishment, promotion and development of a Secret Society, the true aim and object whereof shall be for the extension of British rule throughout the world, the perfecting of a system of emigration from the United Kingdom, and of colonisation by British subjects of all lands where the means of livelihood are attainable by energy, labour and enterprise, and especially the occupation by British settlers of the entire Continent of Africa, the Holy Land, the Valley of the Euphrates, the Islands of Cyprus and Candia, the whole of South America, the Islands of the Pacific not heretofore possessed by Great Britain, the whole of the Malay Archipelago, the seaboard of China and Japan, the ultimate recovery of the United States of America as an integral part of the British Empire, the inauguration of a system of Colonial representation in the Imperial Parliament which may tend to weld together the disjointed members of the Empire and, finally, the foundation of so great a Power as to render wars impossible, and promote the best interests of humanity.[51]

Rhodes' final will[52] left a large area of land on the slopes of Table Mountain to the South African nation. Part of this estate became the upper campus of the University of Cape Town, another part became the Kirstenbosch National Botanical Garden, while much was spared from development and is now an important conservation area.

Rhodes ScholarshipEditIn his last will and testament, he provided for the establishment of the famous Rhodes Scholarship,[52] the world's first international study program. The scholarship enabled students from territories under British rule or formerly under British rule and from Germany to study at the Rhodes's alma mater, the University of Oxford.[52]

MemorialsEditRhodes Memorial stands on Rhodes' favourite spot on the slopes of Devil's Peak, Cape Town, with a view looking north and east towards the Cape to Cairo route. Rhodes' house in Cape Town, Groote Schuur, has recently[when?] been inhabited by the President of the R.S.A. Jacob Zuma.[53]

His birthplace was established in 1938 as the Rhodes Memorial Museum, now known as Bishops Stortford Museum.[54] The cottage in Muizenberg where he died is a provincial heritage site in the Western Cape Province of South Africa. The cottage today is operated as a museum by the Muizenberg Historical Conservation Society, and is open to the public. A broad display of Rhodes material can be seen, including the original De Beers board room table around which diamonds worth billions of dollars were traded.[citation needed]

Rhodes University College, now Rhodes University, in Grahamstown, was established in his name by his trustees and founded by Act of Parliament on 31 May 1904.

The residents of Kimberley elected to build a memorial in Rhodes' honour in their city, which was unveiled in 1907. The 72-ton bronze statue depicts Rhodes on his horse, looking north with map in hand, and dressed as he was when met the Ndebele after their rebellion.[55]

QuotationsEdit"To think of these stars that you see overhead at night, these vast worlds which we can never reach. I would annexe the planets if I could; I often think of that. It makes me sad to see them so clear and yet so far."[56]"Pure philanthropy is very well in its way but philanthropy plus five percent is a good deal better."[57]"I contend that we are the first race in the world, and that the more of the world we inhabit the better it is for the human race...If there be a God, I think that what he would like me to do is paint as much of the map of Africa British Red as possible..."[58]"To save the forty million inhabitants of the United Kingdom from a bloody civil war, our colonial statesmen must acquire new lands for settling the surplus population of this country, to provide new markets... The Empire, as I have always said, is a bread and butter question"[59]"Remember that you are an Englishman, and have consequently won first prize in the lottery of life."[60]"Equal Rights for all Civilized Men South of the Zambesi."[61]"I could never accept the position that we should disqualify a human being on account of his colour."[62]MisquotationsEdit"To be born English is to win first prize in the lottery of life."[63]"We must find new lands from which we can easily obtain raw materials and at the same time exploit the cheap slave labour that is available from the natives of the colonies. The colonies would also provide a dumping ground for the surplus goods produced in our factories."[64][65]The wording in this quote is disputed and original source is unknown."So little done. So much to do" is often falsely quoted as being the last words uttered by Rhodes on his death bed.[66]Popular cultureEditMark Twain's sarcastic summation of Rhodes ("I admire him, I frankly confess it; and when his time comes I shall buy a piece of the rope for a keepsake"), from Chapter LXIX of Following the Equator, still often appears in collections of famous insults.[67] His account of how "Cecil Rhodes" made his first fortune by discovering, in Australia, in the belly of a shark, a newspaper that gave him advance knowledge of a great rise in wool prices, is completely fictional '' Twain dates the event at 1870, when Rhodes was in South Africa.The will of Cecil Rhodes is the central theme in the science fiction book Great Work of Time by John Crowley, an alternate history in which the Secret Society stipulated in the will was indeed established. Its members eventually achieve the secret of time travel and use it to restrain World War I and prevent World War II, and to perpetuate the world ascendancy of the British Empire up to the end of the Twentieth Century. The book contains a vivid description of Cecil Rhodes himself, seen through the eyes of a traveller from the future British Empire.In 1996, BBC-TV made an eight-part television drama about Rhodes called Rhodes: The Life and Legend of Cecil Rhodes. It was produced by David Drury and written by Antony Thomas. It tells the story of Rhodes' life through a series of flashbacks of conversations between him and Princess Catherine Radziwill and also between her and people who knew him. It also shows the story of how she stalked and eventually ruined him. In the serial, Cecil Rhodes is played by Martin Shaw, the younger Cecil Rhodes is played by his son Joe Shaw, and Princess Radziwill is played by Frances Barber. In the serial Rhodes is portrayed as ruthless and greedy. The serial also suggests that he was homosexual.[69]Rhodes was played by Ferdinand Marian in the Nazi 1941 propaganda movie Ohm Kr¼ger, where he - like all other British characters in the film - was presented as an outright villain.In 1901, Rhodes bought Dalham Hall, Suffolk. In 1902 Colonel Francis William Rhodes erected the village hall[70] in the village of Dalham, to commemorate the life of his brother, who had died before taking possession of the estate.Rhodes was a peripheral but influential character in the historical novel The Covenant by James A. Michener.Rhodes has been portrayed by Dr. C. Magbaily Fyle as a violent and brutal racist who used forced labour tactics as a means of founding De Beers.[71]ReferencesEdit^ ab"Death of Mr. Rhodes", The Times, 27 March 1902; pg. 7^[1] "1888 De Beers Consolidated Mines Limited is established on 12 March. Rhodes is named founding chairman."^[2]"With the provision of funding for the creation of De Beers in 1887, Rothschild also turned to investment in the mining of precious stones, in Africa and India."^Martin Meredith, Diamonds Gold and War, (New York: Public Affairs, 2007):162^Richard A. McFarlane, "Historiography of Selected Works on Cecil John Rhodes (1853''1902)", History in Africa, Vol. 34 (2007), pp. 437''446 (available at Project MUSE)^Cecil Rhodes, Makers of the 19th century, H. Holt & Company, 1921, retrieved from http://books.google.com/books?id=A1txHgXvlU4C on 22 May 2011^This is not the same person as the cricketer Herbert Rhodes.^ abcdefghThomas, Anthony (November 1997). Rhodes: The Race for Africa. London Bridge. ISBN 0-563-38742-4. ^ abcdefgFlint, John (November 1974). Cecil Rhodes. Little Brown and Company. ISBN 0-316-28630-3. ^Epstein, Edward Jay (1982). The Rise and Fall of Diamonds. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 0-671-41289-2. Retrieved 27 November 2008. ^Knowles, Lilian Charlotte Anne (2005). The Economic Development of the British Overseas Empire. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 0-415-35048-4. ^ abBoschendal. Boschendal Limited. 2007. ISBN 978-0-620-38001-0. ^Fruit and Food Technology Research Institute, Stellenbosch: Information Bulletin no.22.(1971)^De Beer, G. 160 Years of Export. Cape Town: PPECB, 2003.^Desiree Picton-Seymour Historical Buildings in South Africa Publisher: Struikhof 1989^Oberholster, A. G.; Van Breda, Pieter (1987). Paarl Valley, 1687''1987. Human Sciences Research Council. p. 91. ISBN 0-7969-0539-8. ^"Cecil John Rhodes". sahistory.org.za. Retrieved 29 October 2011. ^"Apollo University Lodge no. 357: History: 1870''1914". Apollo357.com. 14 February 1911. Retrieved 29 October 2011. ^Eric Rosenthal, Famous South African surnames^F. Orpen, British Intelligence Records and Maps, 1800's^Official Intelligence Report, British government, 1879^Rotberg, Robert I (20 October 1988). The Founder:Cecil Rhodes and the Pursuit of Power. ISBN 9780199879205. ^£200,000 (1880) = ~£12.9m (2004) =~ $22.5m (The Purchasing Power of British Pounds from 1264 to 2006)^http://myfundi.co.za/e/History_of_South_Africa_Timeline_%281485-1975%29^ abcdParsons, Neil, A New History of Southern Africa, Second Edition. Macmillan, London (1993), pp 179''181.^See article on Msiri for details and references.^Farwell, Byron (2001). The Encyclopedia of Nineteenth-Century Land Warfare: An Illustrated World View. W. W. Norton & Company. p. 539. ISBN 0-393-04770-9. ^"First Records-'– 6. The Name Rhodesia", The Northern Rhodesia Journal, Vol II, No. 4 (1954) pp101''102.^Gray, J.A. "A Country in Search of a Name", The Northern Rhodesia Journal, Vol III, No. 1 (1956) pp75''78.^Domville-Fife, C.W. (1900). The encyclopedia of the British Empire the first encyclopedic record of the greatest empire in the history of the world. Bristol: Rankin. p. 89. ^http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/zimbabwe/9098490/Robert-Mugabe-blocks-Cecil-John-Rhodes-exhumation.html^Cecil J. Rhodes, "Confession of Faith," essay included in The Last Will and Testament of Cecil John Rhodes, ed. WT Stead (Review of Reviews Office: London), 1902.^The founder: Cecil Rhodes and the pursuit of power. Oxford University Press. 1988. p. 800. ISBN 978-0-19-504968-8. Retrieved 22 June 2010. ^ abPlomer, W., Cecil Rhodes, London, 1933.^ abAldrich, Robert; Wotherspoon, Garry (2001). Who's Who in Gay and Lesbian History. Routledge. pp. 370''371. ISBN 0-415-15982-2. Retrieved 15 April 2009. ^Thomas, Antony (1996) Encyclopaedia of National Biography University of Oxford.^ abBrown, Richard, Review: The Colossus. The Journal of African History, Vol.31 No.3 (1990) pp.499''502.^Currey, John Blades (1986). Phillida Brooke Simons, ed. John Blades Currey, 1850 to 1900: Fifty Years in the Cape Colony. Brenthurst Press. p. 26. ISBN 0-909079-31-5. ^Rotberg, Robert I.; Shore, Miles F. (1988). The Founder: Cecil Rhodes and the Pursuit of Power. Oxford University Press. p. 394. ISBN 0-19-504968-3. ^Robert Massie (1991). Dreadnought:Britain, Germany and the coming of the Great War. London: Johnathan Cape. pp. 218, 230. ISBN 0-224-03260-7. ^William Thomas Stead (1902). 'The last will and testament of Cecil John Rhodes: with elucidatory notes to which are added some chapters describing the political and religious ideas of the testator. London: 'Review of Reviews'. p. 178. ^Colvin, Ian Duncan (1922). The Life of Jameson. London: E. Arnold and Co. pp. 209, 320. ^Roberts, Brian (1969). Cecil Rhodes and the princess. Hamilton. ISBN 0-241-01603-7. ^Phelan, T. (1913). The Siege of Kimberley. Dublin: M.H. Gill & Son, Ltd. ^Pakenham, Thomas (1992) The Boer War Avon Books ISBN 0-380-72001-9^Roberts, Brian (1976). Kimberley: Turbulent City. Cape Town: D. Philip in association with the Historical Society of Kimberley and the Northern Cape. ISBN 0-949968-62-5. ^Thompson, J. Lee (2007). Forgotten patriot. Fairleigh Dickinson Univ Press. p. 157. ISBN 0-8386-4121-0. ^Gore, Alex (22 February 2013). "Mugabe loyalists demand body of colonialist Cecil Rhodes be exhumed and sent back to Britain". MailOnline (London). Retrieved 1 April 2013. ^Laing, Aislinn (22 February 2013). "Robert Mugabe blocks Cecil John Rhodes exhumation". The Telegraph (London). Retrieved 1 April 2013. ^http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/southafrica/1474531/Racists-on-list-of-Great-South-Africans.html^Rotberg, The Founder, pp. 101, 102. & Niall Ferguson, The House of Rothschild: The World's Banker, 1848''1998, Penguin Books, 2000^ abcRhodes, Cecil; Stead, William Thomas (1902). The last will and testament of Cecil John Rhodes: with elucidatory notes to which are added some chapters describing the political and religious ideas of the testator. "Review of Reviews" Office. ^"Jacob Zuma's House: The President Elect is Set to Live it Up Once More". "Property" '' the property magazine. April 2009. ^Bishops Stortford Museum[dead link]^Maylam, Paul (2005). The Cult of Rhodes. New Africa Books. p. 56. ISBN 0-86486-684-4. ^S. Gertrude Millin, Rhodes, London, 1933, p.138^Johari, J. C. (1993). Voices of Indian Freedom Movement. Anmol Publications PVT. LTD. p. 207. ISBN 978-81-7158-225-9. ^"The Story of Africa". BBC World Service. Retrieved 13 June 2009. ^Simpson, William; Jones, Martin Desmond (2000). "Googleooks entry". Europe, 1783''1914 (Routledge). ISBN 9780415226608. Retrieved 13 June 2009. ^"The lottery of life", The Independent, 5 May 2001, www.independent.co.uk. Retrieved on 26 January 2010.^Gordon Le Sueur 'Cecil Rhodes the Man and His Work', pg. 76Le Sueur states that Rhodes originally said: "Equal rights for all white men south of the Zambesi", but when asked to verify his statement, "clarified" it, and it was the "clarified" wording which the press published.^Davidson, Apollon (1988) [1984]. Cecil Rhodes and His Time (First English ed.). Moscow: Progress Publishers. p. 255. ISBN 5-01-001828-4. ^Briggs, Simon (31 May 2009). "England on guard as world takes aim in Twenty20 stakes". The Daily Telegraph (London). Retrieved 13 June 2009. ^Wong, Melody. "Teaching a "Racist and Outdated Text": A Journey into my own Heart of Darkness". Western Washington University. Retrieved 20 September 2008. ^Britten, Sarah (2006). The Art of the South African Insult. 30° South Publishers. p. 167. ISBN 978-1-920143-05-3. ^"PBS : Empires : Queen Victoria : The Changing Empire : Characters : Cecil Rhodes". PBS. Retrieved 1 April 2013. ^Complete Works of Mark Twain. Following the Equator (Part 2). Chapter XIII. Cecil Rhodes' Shark and his First Fortune; Chapter LXIX. The Most Imposing Man in British Provinces;^Rhodes of Africa (1936).^Godwin, Peter (11 January 1998). "Rhodes to Hell". Slate. Retrieved 7 January 2007. ^"Dalham Village Hall Commemoration Plaque by Colonel Frank Rhodes". ^Fyle, C. M. Introduction to the History of African Civilization: Colonial and Post-Colonial Africa Vol. II. University Press of America, 2001.Further readingEditExternal linksEditPersondataNameRhodes, Cecil JohnAlternative namesShort descriptionEnglish businessman and politician in colonial South AfricaDate of birth5 July 1853Place of birthBishop's Stortford, Hertfordshire, England.Date of death26 March 1902Place of deathMuizenberg, Cape Colony, (now South Africa)

One of Rhodes' dreams (and the dream of many other members of the British Empire) was for a "red line" on the map from the Cape to Cairo. (On geo-political maps, British dominions were always denoted in red or pink.) Rhodes had been instrumental in securing southern African states for the Empire. He and others felt the best way to "unify the possessions, facilitate governance, enable the military to move quickly to hot spots or conduct war, help settlement, and foster trade" would be to build the "Cape to Cairo Railway".

This enterprise was not without its problems. France had a rival strategy in the late 1890s to link its colonies from west to east across the continent. The Portuguese produced the "Pink Map", representing their claims to sovereignty in Africa.

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The Cape to Cairo Railway is an uncompleted project to cross Africa from south to north by rail. This plan was initiated at the end of the 19th century, during the time of colonial rule, largely under the vision of Cecil Rhodes, in the attempt to connect adjacent African possessions of the British Empire through a continuous line from Cape Town, South Africa to Cairo, Egypt. While most sections of the Cape to Cairo railway are in operation, a major part is missing between northern Sudan and Uganda.

Reasons for constructionEditBritish colonialism in Africa is closely linked to the concept of the Cape to Cairo Railway. Cecil Rhodes was instrumental in securing the southern states of the continent for the British Empire and envisioned a continuous "red line" of British dominions from north to south. A railway would be a critical element in this scheme to unify the possessions, facilitate governance, enable the military to move quickly to hot spots or conduct war, help settlement and foster trade. The construction of this project presented a major technological challenge.

France had a rival strategy in the late 1890s to link its colonies from west to east across the continent, Senegal to Djibouti. Southern Sudan and Ethiopia were in the way, but France sent expeditions in 1897 to establish a protectorate in southern Sudan and to find a route across Ethiopia. The scheme foundered when a British flotilla on the River Nile confronted the French expedition at the point of intersection between the French and British routes, leading to the Fashoda Incident and eventual diplomatic defeat for France.

The Portuguese had similar ideas, and produced the "Pink Map" representing their claims to sovereignty in Africa.

Reasons for failure to completeEditMap showing almost complete British control of the Cape to Cairo route, 1914 British control

British interests had to overcome not only the formidable obstacles posed by geography and climate, but also interfering ambitions by other powers, the Fashoda incident, and the Portuguese ambition to link Angola and Mozambique - known as the Pink Map. Opposition to British rule in South Africa was settled after the First and Second Boer Wars. Germany had secured a critical piece of territory in East Africa that precluded completion of the north-south link. However, with the defeat of Germany in 1918, most of this territory fell into British hands and politically the link was closed. After 1918, the British Empire possessed the political power to complete the Cape-Cairo Railway, but economic issues precluded its completion between the world wars. After World War II, the national struggles of the African peoples and the demise of colonialism removed the foundations for its completion.

Current linksEditNorthern sectionEditEgypt has a rail system that as early as 1854 connected Alexandria and Cairo, and that currently goes as far south as Aswan. In Egypt the railway is 1,435 mm (4 ft 8 1'2 in) standard gauge. After a ferry link up on the Nile, the railway continues in Sudan from Wadi Halfa to Khartoum at the 1,067 mm (3 ft 6 in) narrow gauge; see Northern Africa Railroad Development. This part of the system was started by Lord Kitchener in 1897 when he subjugated the Mahdist uprising. Further railway links go south, the most southern point being Wau. A large part of the Sudanese railway network is currently in disrepair due to political turmoil.[citation needed]

Uganda railwayEditMain article: Uganda RailwayEast Africa has a network of narrow gauge 1,000 mm (3 ft 3 3'8 in) railways that historically grew from ports on the Indian Ocean and went westward, built in parallel under British and German colonial rule. The furthest string north was the Uganda Railway. Eventually these networks were linked, so that today there is a continuous rail connection between Kampala, Uganda, on Lake Victoria to the coastal cities of Mombasa in Kenya and Dar-es-Salaam in Tanzania. Up to the break-up of the East African Community in 1977, these companies operated as East African Railways, but operate today as different national companies: the Uganda Railways Corporation Uganda railways corporation's assets were sold over 13 years ago when government failed to run the corporation, as the cost of running it was greater than the returns. Today, railway business in Uganda is run by Rift Valley Railways of Kenya, the Kenya Railways Corporation, and the Tanzania Railways Corporation.[citation needed]

TAZARA linkEditMain article: TAZARA RailwayFrom Dar-es-Salaam, a separate 1,860 km link to Kapiri Mposhi in Zambia was completed after six years by workers of the People's Republic of China in 1976. This Tanzania-Zambia-Railway (TAZARA) was built to connect landlocked Zambia and its mineral wealth to the port at the Indian Ocean, independent from connections through South Africa or at that time Portuguese controlled territory. Yet, while not intended in the grand picture of the Cape to Cairo Railway, the TAZARA fills a critical link. This connection is at the same 1,067 mm (3 ft 6 in) gauge as the system in the southern part of Africa.

Kidatu connectionEditIn 1998, a transshipment hub was built at Kidatu in southern Tanzania to connect the metre gaugeCentral Line (Tanzania) with the Cape gaugeTAZARA line. This also shortened the distance.

Southern sectionEditThe southern section was completed during British rule before the First World War and has an interconnecting system of national railways using the Cape-gauge of 1,067 mm (3 ft 6 in). Construction started from Cape Town and went parallel to the Great North Road to Kimberley, through a part of Botswana to Bulawayo. From this junction the link proceeds further north, today operated by the National Railways of Zimbabwe, to the Zambezi crossing. The Victoria Falls Bridge was completed in 1905. The connection is picked up by Zambia Railways and continues to Kapiri Mposhi which is the transition point to the TAZARA link to Tanzania.

The concept of the Cape to Cairo Railway is not dead. While the current turmoil in Sudan is an obstacle to its completion, tangible concepts have been forwarded to complete the link between Sudan and East Africa for economic reasons.[1] This would complete a somewhat awkward Cape to Cairo line with three gauges (1,067 mm (3 ft 6 in) twice) and three breaks of gauge.

An attempt to travel from Cape to Cairo by road was made in 1924, using two cars.[2]

ReferencesEditExternal linksEdit

At his death he was considered one of the wealthiest men in the world. In his first will, written in 1877 before he had accumulated his wealth, Rhodes wanted to create a secret society that would bring the whole world under British rule.[8] The exact wording from this will is:

To and for the establishment, promotion and development of a Secret Society, the true aim and object whereof shall be for the extension of British rule throughout the world, the perfecting of a system of emigration from the United Kingdom, and of colonisation by British subjects of all lands where the means of livelihood are attainable by energy, labour and enterprise, and especially the occupation by British settlers of the entire Continent of Africa, the Holy Land, the Valley of the Euphrates, the Islands of Cyprus and Candia, the whole of South America, the Islands of the Pacific not heretofore possessed by Great Britain, the whole of the Malay Archipelago, the seaboard of China and Japan, the ultimate recovery of the United States of America as an integral part of the British Empire, the inauguration of a system of Colonial representation in the Imperial Parliament which may tend to weld together the disjointed members of the Empire and, finally, the foundation of so grea t a Power as to render wars impossible, and promote the best interests of humanity.[51]

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NYTimes½ Rhodes to Nowhere: A Cipher in the Oval Office2013 03 22By Russ Baker | WhoWhatWhy

RIC Editors Note:(Cipher: person or thing of no value or importance; nonentity. )In this fascinating article, Russ Baker examines the troubling lack of information on a young man that has gained much influence within the halls of power in Washington D.C. How has 35 year old Benjamin J. Rhodes (namesake of Cecil Rhodes - imperialist founder of the Rhodes Scholarship and the Round Table governance movement) come from of a ½run of the mill½ background to become a close administration insider? Not only does Rhodes write speeches and advise on foreign policy for President Obama, he was part of that notorious whitewash - the 9/11 Commission report! Why has the press effectively given this man a pass? Has Rhodes got his hands on the many pieces of the ½grand chessboard½?

For some possible context to President Obama½s current trip to Israel, I thought back to yet another of the New York Times½s oddly unsatisfying ½profiles of power.½ This one, which was published last week, introduces us to a highly influential Obama foreign policy adviser:

As President Obama prepares to visit Israel next week, he is turning, as he often does, to Benjamin J. Rhodes, a 35-year-old deputy national security adviser with a soft voice, strong opinions and a reputation around the White House as the man who channels Mr. Obama on foreign policy.

Mr. Rhodes is drafting the address to the Israeli people the president plans to give in Jerusalem, but his influence extends beyond what either his title or speechwriting duties suggest. Drawing on personal ties and a philosophical kinship with Mr. Obama that go back to the 2008 campaign, Mr. Rhodes helped prod his boss to take a more activist policy toward Egypt and Libya when those countries erupted in 2011.

Unfortunately, the article never really explains what that ½philosophical kinship½ is. It would be of particular interest to those who have always wondered, and still do not know, what Barack Obama½s overarching philosophy is.

We don½t really learn much about Rhodes½s either, beyond the fact that he is quietly pushing for more US intervention in Syria, on the heels of a successful push to convince a supposedly reticent Obama to bomb the heck out of Libya, purportedly for human rights reasons. Some now know better½that removing Qaddafi had precious little to do with helping innocent people and a lot to do with oil companies, banks and intelligence agencies.

What½s especially strange about the article is that, for those of us who continue to wonder how a virtual cipher rose so quickly from the Illinois legislature to become the most powerful person in the world, we end up wondering the same thing about an aspiring novelist from New York City who fairly catapults to enormous influence in shaping policy regarding some of the most complex and sensitive matters facing this country.

Somehow, beyond noting that ½In many ways, Mr. Rhodes is an improbable choice for a job at the heart of the national security apparatus,½ the Times is not sufficiently curious about any of this to probe further. Instead, it provides a clutch of clich½s. We learn that the Rhodes family is fiercely divided between Yankees fans and Mets fans. We learn the father is a conservative-leaning Episcopalian from Texas, the mother a liberal Jew from New York.

Though the Times never underlines this, the careful reader comes to realize that Rhodes½s guiding philosophy is as hard to discern as the precise reasons that he has the president½s ear. In 1997, he briefly worked on the re-election campaign of New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani, a Republican. Shortly after 9/11, the aspiring novelist suddenly decided to do his part for society, moving in 2002 from Queens to Washington, and quickly found himself ½helping draft the 9/11 Commission report as well as the Iraq Study Group report.½

The Times, of course, does not think it is worth pointing out how strange this is. It is almost as if all 24-year-olds with no apparent credentials of any kind go directly to explaining the most massively controversial and complex set of circumstances to the American people.

[...]

Read the full article at: whowhatwhy.com

Obama Foreign Policy Whiz is Full of Personal Anguish and Has an Unfinished NovelBenjamin J. Rhodes was just a run-of-the-mill New York prep school kid working on a novel, when the events of 9/11 changed him forever. Now an intervention-favoring deputy national security adviser for the President, Rhodes, 35, is filled with anguish at the suffering of people the world over, trying to be free:

"It½s hard for Ben in the same way it½s hard for the president," said Denis R. McDonough, the White House chief of staff, who worked closely with Mr. Rhodes in his previous job as the principal deputy national security adviser. "He cares about people. You can½t see what½s happening in Syria and not be torn by it. At the same time, he½s very realistic."

Rhodes, who moved to Washington in 2001, apparently has the President½s ear when it comes to policy, and has favored such can½t-miss policies like arming the opposition to Qaddaffi in Libya (which has totally worked out for Mali), and now is pushing the President towards arming the Syrian opposition. Nowhere in the glowing New York Times profile does it mention his support of drone strikes, the collateral of which probably appeals more to his realistic side, than the "caring about people" one. Source

Tune into Red Ice Radio:Russ Baker - Family of Secrets: Poppy Bush

Peter Dale Scott - Norway½s Massacre, Breivik & Deep Events

G. Edward Griffin - The Collectivist Conspiracy

Richard Grove - 9/11 Insider Trading Whistleblower & Voluntary Servitude

Alan Watt - European Union & The World Empire

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Sat, 12 Jul 2014 07:38

As ever, the biggest contingent, 32 strong, is from the United States. Within the US contingent, Harvard University has chalked up the biggest score, winning six scholarships. The sole representative of the state of Illinois is Vinay Nayak, whose pharmacist father, Raghuveer, awaiting sentence for health care fraud, is reputed to be the "bribe guy" fixer who tried to flog Barack Obama's vacated Senate seat for a vast sum. The Daily Pennsylvanian has noted ruefully that Penn University has none, for the fourth year in a row.

Cecil Rhodes, the businessman and imperialist who used to have two African states named after him, launched the first scholarship, for a couple of promising young South Africans in 1902. The number quickly expanded. In peak years, it has exceeded 90.

The most famous former Rhodes scholar is Bill Clinton, who arrived at Oxford in October 1968, stayed a year, smoked dope "without inhaling" and came away without completing his degree. Bill Bradley, a professional basketball player, New Jersey Senator and contender for the 2000 Democrat presidential nomination, preceded Clinton by three years.

Another scholar who did not finish his degree was Kris Kristofferson, who passed up several promising careers to become a singer/songwriter and, briefly, Janice Joplin's lover. A song he wrote, 'Me and Bobby McGee', became Joplin's posthumous No 1.

It comes as a surprise to some Australians to learn that their current Prime Minister, Tony Abbott, not viewed by everyone as the intellectual type, was also a Rhodes scholar, who graduated in 1983 with a 2:2 in philosophy and politics.

He is not the first. Bob Hawke, Prime Minister from 1983 to 1991, who once made the Guinness Book of Records by drinking 2.5 pints of beer in 11 seconds, abandoned his planned degree while he was at Oxford in 1953-55 to write a thesis on wage-fixing.

Edwin Hubble, the astronomer after whom the Hubble Space Telescope is named, arrived at Oxford in 1910 to study, incongruously, Roman and English law. He soon gave up the idea of being a lawyer.

Surprisingly, despite his great fame, he was not one of the former Rhodes scholars to bag a Nobel prize. There have been three, none as well-known as Hubble '' two Australians, Howard Florey and Sir John Eccles, who won the prizes for medicine in 1945 and 1963 respectively, and an American, Michael Spencer, who won the 2001 economics prize

Other Rhodes alumni include Dean Rusk, who was US Secretary of State in the 1960s, the US politician Senator William Fulbright and the feminist writer Naomi Wolf.

It will be interesting to see whether any of 2014 intake lives up to their illustrious allumni. Scientists, singers and leaders of the free world '' they've got a tough act to follow.

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The azure "European sash" emblazoned with the 12 stars of the EU flag, which have an official heraldic description as "a circle of 12 golden mullets" was agreed by the parliament's bureau three years ago following a clamour for more pomp and ceremony from MEPs.

"Please note that the design of the sash was made in agreement with the Protocol Service of the EP. In this regard, this is considered to be the official EP sash," said the email, obtained by The Telegraph.

MEPs pride themselves on not simply representing their nations or peoples but instead being the representatives of an overriding European interest, as it is defined by the EU treaty.

When the new parliament was convened in Strasbourg last week, it was opened with a military ceremony conducted by the Franco-German Eurocorps battle group raising the European flag accompanied by Ode To Joy, the EU's official anthem.

MEPs are better known for their gravy train pay and perks rather than the flummery of royal courts or traditional parliaments such as the Palace of Westminster but that might be changing.

"Why shouldn't our MEPs dress up too? This is the world's first transnational parliament and it is special," said an official.

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Sat, 12 Jul 2014 21:02

Amerikan Expose | Hegelian Dialectic

Why is it important for you to understand the subject of the Hegelian Dialectic?Because it is the process by which all change is being accomplished in societytoday. More importantly, it is the tool that the globalists are utilizingto manipulate the minds of the average American to accept that change, whereordinarily they would refuse it.

The Hegelian Dialectic is, in short, the critical process by which the rulingelite create a problem, anticipating in advance the reaction that the populationwill have to the given crisis, and thus conditioning the people that a changeis needed. When the population is properly conditioned, the desired agendaof the ruling elite is presented as the solution. The solution isn't intendedto solve the problem, but rather to serve as the basis for a new problemor exacerbate the existing one.

When the newly inflamed difficulty reaches the boiling point of a crisis,it becomes the foundation upon which arguments may again be made for change.Hence, the process is repeated, over and over, moving society toward whateverend the planners have in mind.

It's also important to understand that as this process is being driven, argumentsare created both for and against certain measures of change. All argumentsare controlled. The presented solutions — each with varying levels ofunadornment — are "debated" publicly by the manipulators or their minions.This is done until a perceived compromise has been reached on the best measureto take in route to solving the crisis. Then, the outcome of the "debate"— which purportedly weighs the concerns of the public with the mandateto do something — is enacted as public policy.

Such is a summary of the Hegelian Dialectic. Though few in American societyhave ever heard of it, still fewer have not been profoundly impacted by itsuse in the effective neutralization of opposition in the formation of publicpolicy.

For more on the Hegelian Dialectic, including examples of its use, see thelinks below.

The background and history of the process.

A perfect example of the Hegelian Dialectic in action. In this document, the communists complain about all of the evils that they have created to blame on capitalism. Their solution to the problem? "Evil" capitalism must give way to their "fair" and "just" form of government — communism. Amerikan Expose | Hegelian Dialectic

Why is it important for you to understand the subject of the Hegelian Dialectic?Because it is the process by which all change is being accomplished in societytoday. More importantly, it is the tool that the globalists are utilizingto manipulate the minds of the average American to accept that change, whereordinarily they would refuse it.

The Hegelian Dialectic is, in short, the critical process by which the rulingelite create a problem, anticipating in advance the reaction that the populationwill have to the given crisis, and thus conditioning the people that a changeis needed. When the population is properly conditioned, the desired agendaof the ruling elite is presented as the solution. The solution isn't intendedto solve the problem, but rather to serve as the basis for a new problemor exacerbate the existing one.

When the newly inflamed difficulty reaches the boiling point of a crisis,it becomes the foundation upon which arguments may again be made for change.Hence, the process is repeated, over and over, moving society toward whateverend the planners have in mind.

It's also important to understand that as this process is being driven, argumentsare created both for and against certain measures of change. All argumentsare controlled. The presented solutions — each with varying levels ofunadornment — are "debated" publicly by the manipulators or their minions.This is done until a perceived compromise has been reached on the best measureto take in route to solving the crisis. Then, the outcome of the "debate"— which purportedly weighs the concerns of the public with the mandateto do something — is enacted as public policy.

Such is a summary of the Hegelian Dialectic. Though few in American societyhave ever heard of it, still fewer have not been profoundly impacted by itsuse in the effective neutralization of opposition in the formation of publicpolicy.

For more on the Hegelian Dialectic, including examples of its use, see thelinks below.

The background and history of the process.

A perfect example of the Hegelian Dialectic in action. In this document, the communists complain about all of the evils that they have created to blame on capitalism. Their solution to the problem? "Evil" capitalism must give way to their "fair" and "just" form of government — communism.

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Sat, 12 Jul 2014 21:02

What Is The Hegelian Dialectic?

by Niki F. Raapana and Nordica M. Friedrich

This article was originally published online in December 2002. For years it has been available to the public for free, as an educational resource. As a result it has been widely distributed with and without our permission. Now we would like to ask that you do not reproduce this work, as it is copyrighted.

The entire text of What Is The Hegelian Dialectic? has a permanent home in our new book, 2020: Our Common Destiny/The Anti Communitarian Manifesto (two books in one), available in mass-market paperback or an affordable, downloadable e-book.

The introduction entitled Why study Hegel? is still available here to read for free, for educational purposes.

Introduction: Why study Hegel?Pay no attention to the man behind the curtain..."... the State 'has the supreme right against the individual, whose supreme duty is to be a member of the State... for the right of the world spirit is above all special priveleges.'" -- Author/historian William Shirer, quoting Hegel in The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich (1959)

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831) was a 19th century German philosopher and theologist who wrote The Science of Logic in 1812. For many historians, Hegel is "perhaps the greatest of the German idealist philosophers."

In 1847 the London Communist League (Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels) used Hegel's theory of the dialectic to back up their economic theory of communism. Now, in the 21st century, Hegelian-Marxist thinking affects our entire social and political structure.

The Hegelian dialectic is the framework for guiding our thoughts and actions into conflicts that lead us to a predetermined solution. If we do not understand how the Hegelian dialectic shapes our perceptions of the world, then we do not know how we are helping to implement the vision for the future.

Hegel's dialectic is the tool which manipulates us into a frenzied circular pattern of thought and action. Every time we fight for or defend against an ideology we are playing a necessary role in Marx and Engels' grand design to advance humanity into a dictatorship of the proletariat. The synthetic Hegelian solution to all these conflicts can't be introduced unless we all take a side that will advance the agenda.

The Marxist's global agenda is moving along at breakneck speed. The only way to stop land grabs, privacy invasions, expanded domestic police powers, insane wars against inanimate objects (and transient verbs), covert actions, and outright assaults on individual liberty, is to step outside the dialectic. Only then can we be released from the limitations of controlled and guided thought.

When we understand what motivated Hegel, we can see his influence on all of our destinies. Then we become real players in the very real game that has been going on for at least 224 years.

Hegelian conflicts steer every political arena on the planet, from the United Nations to the major American politicalparties, all the way down to local school boards and community councils. Dialogues and consensus-building are primary tools of the dialectic, and terror and intimidation are also acceptable formats for obtaining the goal.

The ultimate Third Way agenda is world government. Once we get what's really going on, we can cut the strings and move our lives in original directions outside the confines of the dialectical madness. Focusing on Hegel's and Engel's ultimate agenda, and avoiding getting caught up in their impenetrable theories of social evolution, gives us the opportunity to think and act our way toward freedom, justice, and genuine liberty for all.

Today the dialectic is active in every political issue that encourages taking sides. We can see it in environmentalists instigating conflicts against private property owners, in democrats against republicans, in greens against libertarians, in communists against socialists, in neo-cons against traditional conservatives, in community activists against individuals, in pro-choice versus pro-life, in Christians against Muslims, in isolationists versus interventionists, in peace activists against war hawks.

No matter what the issue, the invisible dialectic aims to control both the conflict and the resolution of differences, and leads everyone involved into a new cycle of conflicts. We're definitely not in Kansas anymore.

"Hegel's Absolute Idea" chart courtesy of The Calverton School

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The Whiskey Rebellion, or Whiskey Insurrection, was a tax protest in the United States beginning in 1791, during the presidency of George Washington. Farmers who used their leftover grain and corn in the form of whiskey as a medium of exchange were forced to pay a new tax. The tax was a part of treasury secretaryAlexander Hamilton's program to fund war debt incurred during the Revolutionary War, a power granted to the federal government in the constitution. The farmers who resisted, many war veterans, contended that they were fighting for the principles of the American Revolution, in particular against taxation without local representation, while the Federal government maintained the taxes were the legal expression of the taxation powers of Congress.

Throughout counties in Western Pennsylvania, protesters used violence and intimidation to prevent federal officials from collecting the tax. Resistance came to a climax in July 1794, when a U.S. marshal arrived in western Pennsylvania to serve writs to distillers who had not paid the excise. The alarm was raised, and more than 500 armed men attacked the fortified home of tax inspector General John Neville. Washington responded by sending peace commissioners to western Pennsylvania to negotiate with the rebels, while at the same time calling on governors to send a militia force to enforce the tax. With 13,000 militia provided by the governors of Virginia, Maryland, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, Washington rode at the head of an army to suppress the insurgency. The rebels all went home before the arrival of the army, and there was no confrontation. About 20 men were arrested, but all were later acquitted or pardoned.

The Whiskey Rebellion demonstrated that the new national government had the willingness and ability to suppress violent resistance to its laws. The whiskey excise remained difficult to collect, however. The events contributed to the formation of political parties in the United States, a process already underway. The whiskey tax was repealed after Thomas Jefferson's Republican Party, which opposed Hamilton's Federalist Party, came to power in 1801.

Whiskey tax[edit]A new U.S. federal government began operating in 1789, following the ratification of the United States Constitution. The previous central government under the Articles of Confederation had been unable to levy taxes; it had borrowed money to meet expenses and fund the Revolution, accumulating $54 million in debt. The states had amassed an additional $25 million in debt.[3]Alexander Hamilton, the first Secretary of the Treasury, sought to use this debt to create a financial system that would promote American prosperity and national unity. In his Report on Public Credit, he urged Congress to consolidate the state and national debts into a single debt that would be funded by the federal government. Congress approved these measures in June and July 1790.[4]

A source of government revenue was needed to pay the respectable amount due of the previous bond holders to whom the debt was owed. By December 1790, Hamilton believed import duties, which were the government's primary source of revenue, had been raised as high as was feasible.[5] He therefore promoted passage of an excise tax on domestically produced distilled spirits. This was to be the first tax levied by the national government on a domestic product.[6] Although taxes were politically unpopular, Hamilton believed that the whiskey excise was a luxury tax that would be the least objectionable tax the government could levy.[7] In this, he had the support of some social reformers, who hoped a "sin tax" would raise public awareness about the harmful effects of alcohol.[8] The whiskey excise act, sometimes known as the "Whiskey Act", became law in March 1791.[9] George Washington defined the revenue districts, appointed the revenue supervisors and inspectors, and set their pay in November 1791.[10]

Western grievances[edit]The whiskey excise was immediately controversial, with many people on the frontier arguing the tax unfairly targeted westerners.[11] Whiskey was a popular drink, and farmers often supplemented their incomes by operating small stills.[12] Farmers living west of the Appalachian Mountains distilled their excess grain into whiskey, which was easier and more profitable to transport over the mountains than the more cumbersome grain. A whiskey tax would make western farmers less competitive with eastern grain producers.[13] Additionally, cash was always in short supply on the frontier, so whiskey often served as a medium of exchange. For poorer people who were paid in whiskey, the excise was essentially an income tax that wealthier easterners did not pay.[14]

The main objection to the whiskey tax was that it was taxation without (local) representation, exactly what they'd just fought the Revolutionary War to stop. Many tax resisters were veterans. In the Western view, they were fighting for freedom, resisting the newly emerging central state. Furthermore, they did not understand why they should pay other people's debts. Some states had repaid their war debt. The Federalists were buying support from indebted states with their policy of assumption.

Small farmers also protested that Hamilton's excise effectively gave unfair tax breaks to large distillers, most of whom were based in the east. There were two methods of paying the whiskey excise: paying a flat fee or paying by the gallon. Large distillers produced whiskey in volume and could afford the flat fee. The more efficient they became, the less tax per gallon they would pay (as low as 6 cents according to Hamilton). Western farmers who owned small stills did not usually operate them year-round at full capacity, so they ended up paying a higher tax per gallon (9 cents), which made them less competitive.[15] Small distillers believed Hamilton deliberately designed the tax to ruin them and promote big business, a view endorsed by some historians.[16] However, historian Thomas Slaughter argued that a "conspiracy of this sort is difficult to document".[17] Whether by design or not, large distillers recognized the advantage the excise gave them, and they supported the tax.[18]

In addition to the whiskey tax, westerners had a number of other grievances with the national government. Chief among these was the perception that the government was not adequately protecting the western frontier: the Northwest Indian War was going badly for the United States, with major losses in 1791. Furthermore, westerners were prohibited by Spain (which then owned Louisiana) from using the Mississippi River for commercial navigation. Until these issues were addressed, westerners felt the government was ignoring their security and economic welfare. Adding the whiskey excise to these existing grievances only increased tensions on the frontier.[19]

Resistance[edit]Many residents of the western frontier petitioned against passage of the whiskey excise. When that failed, some western Pennsylvanians organized extralegal conventions to advocate repeal of the law.[20] Opposition to the tax was particularly prevalent in four southwestern counties: Allegheny, Fayette, Washington, and Westmoreland.[21] A preliminary meeting held on 27 July 1791, at Redstone Old Fort in Fayette County, called for the selection of delegates to a more formal assembly, which convened in Pittsburgh in early September 1791. The Pittsburgh convention was dominated by moderates such as Hugh Henry Brackenridge, who hoped to prevent the outbreak of violence.[22] The convention sent a petition for redress of grievances to the Pennsylvania Assembly and the U.S House of Representatives, both located in Philadelphia.[23] As a result of this and other petitions, the excise law was modified in May 1792. Changes included a 1-cent reduction in the tax that was advocated by William Findley, a congressman from western Pennsylvania, but the new excise law was still unsatisfactory to many westerners.[24]

Appeals to nonviolent resistance were unsuccessful. On 11 September 1791, a recently appointed tax collector named Robert Johnson was tarred and feathered by a disguised gang in Washington County.[25] A man sent by officials to serve court warrants to Johnson's attackers was whipped, tarred, and feathered.[26] Because of these and other violent attacks, the tax went uncollected in 1791 and early 1792.[27] The attackers modeled their actions on the protests of the American Revolution. Supporters of the excise argued there was a difference between taxation without representation in colonial America, and a tax laid by the elected representatives of the American people.[28]

Although older accounts of the Whiskey Rebellion portrayed it as being confined to western Pennsylvania, there was opposition to the whiskey tax in the western counties of every other state in Appalachia (Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia).[29] The whiskey tax went uncollected throughout the frontier state of Kentucky, where no one could be convinced to enforce the law or prosecute evaders.[30][31] In 1792, Hamilton advocated military action to suppress violent resistance in western North Carolina, but Attorney General Edmund Randolph argued there was insufficient evidence to legally justify such a reaction.[32]

In August 1792, a second convention was held in Pittsburgh to discuss resistance to the whiskey tax. This meeting was more radical than the first convention; moderates such as Brackenridge and Findley were not in attendance. One moderate who did attend'--to his later regret'--was Albert Gallatin, a future secretary of the treasury.[33] A militant group known as the Mingo Creek Association dominated the convention and issued radical demands. As some of them had done in the American Revolution, they raised liberty poles, formed committees of correspondence, and took control of the local militia. They created an extralegal court and discouraged lawsuits for debt collection and foreclosures.[34]

Hamilton regarded the second Pittsburgh convention as a serious threat to the operation of the laws of the federal government. In September 1792, he sent Pennsylvania tax official George Clymer to western Pennsylvania to investigate. Clymer's clumsy attempt at traveling in disguise, and his efforts to intimidate local officials, only increased tensions. His somewhat exaggerated report would greatly influence the decisions made by the Washington administration.[35] Washington and Hamilton viewed resistance to federal laws in Pennsylvania as particularly embarrassing, since the national capital was then located in the same state. On his own initiative, Hamilton drafted a presidential proclamation denouncing resistance to the excise laws and submitted it to Attorney General Randolph, who toned down some of the language. Washington signed the proclamation on September 15, 1792. It was published as a broadside and printed in many newspapers.[36]

The federal tax inspector for western Pennsylvania, General John Neville, was determined to enforce the excise law.[37] Neville, a prominent politician and wealthy planter, was also a large-scale distiller. He had initially opposed the whiskey tax, but subsequently changed his mind, a reversal that angered some western Pennsylvanians.[38] In August 1792, Neville rented a room in Pittsburgh for his tax office, but the landlord turned him out after being threatened with violence by the Mingo Creek Association.[39] From this point on, tax collectors were not the only people targeted in Pennsylvania: those who cooperated with federal tax officials also faced harassment. Anonymous notes and newspaper articles signed by "Tom the Tinker" threatened those who complied with the whiskey tax.[40] Those who failed to heed the warnings might have their barns burned or their stills destroyed.[41]

Resistance to the excise tax continued through 1793 in the frontier counties of Appalachia. Opposition remained especially strident in western Pennsylvania.[42] In June, Neville was burned in effigy by a crowd of about 100 people in Washington County.[43] On the night of 22 November 1793, men broke into the home of tax collector Benjamin Wells in Fayette County. Wells was, like Neville, one of the wealthier men in the region.[44] At gunpoint, the intruders forced Wells to surrender his commission.[42] President Washington offered a reward for the arrest of the assailants, to no avail.[45]

Insurrection[edit]The resistance came to a climax in 1794. In May of that year, federal district attorney William Rawle issued subpoenas for more than 60 distillers in Pennsylvania who had not paid the excise tax.[46] Under the law then in effect, distillers who received these writs would be obligated to travel to Philadelphia to appear in federal court. For farmers on the western frontier, such a journey was expensive, time-consuming, and beyond their means.[47] At the urging of William Findley, Congress modified this law on 5 June 1794, allowing excise trials to be held in local state courts.[48] But by that time, U.S. marshal David Lenox had already been sent to serve the writs summoning delinquent distillers to Philadelphia. Attorney General William Bradford later maintained that the writs were meant to compel compliance with the law, and that the government did not actually intend to hold trials in Philadelphia.[49]

The timing of these events would later prove to be controversial. In his book on the insurrection, Findley'--a bitter political foe of Hamilton'--maintained that the treasury secretary had deliberately provoked the uprising by issuing the subpoenas just before the law was made less onerous.[50] In 1963, historian Jacob Cooke, an editor of Hamilton's papers, regarded this charge as "preposterous", calling it a "conspiracy thesis" that overstated Hamilton's control of the federal government.[51] In 1986, historian Thomas Slaughter argued that the outbreak of the insurrection at this moment was due to "a string of ironic coincidences", although "the question about motives must always remain".[52] In 2006, William Hogeland argues Hamilton, Bradford, and Rawle intentionally pursued a course of action that would provoke "the kind of violence that would justify federal military suppression".[53] According to Hogeland, Hamilton had been working towards this moment since the Newburgh Crisis in 1783, where he conceived of using military force to crush popular resistance to direct taxation, for the purpose of promoting national unity and enriching the creditor class at the expense of common taxpayers.[54] The historian S. E. Morison believed Hamilton, in general, wished to enforce the excise law "more as a measure of social discipline than as a source of revenue..."[55]

Battle of Bower Hill[edit]Federal Marshal Lenox delivered most of the writs without incident. On 15 July, he was joined on his rounds by General Neville, who had offered to act as his guide in Allegheny County.[56] That evening, warning shots were fired at the men at the Miller farm, about 10 mi (16 km) south of Pittsburgh. Neville returned home, while Lenox retreated to Pittsburgh.[57]

On 16 July, at least 30 Mingo Creek militiamen surrounded Neville's fortified home, Bower Hill.[58] They demanded the surrender of the federal marshal, whom they believed to be inside. Neville responded by firing a gunshot that mortally wounded Oliver Miller, one of the "rebels".[59] The rebels opened fire, but were unable to dislodge Neville. The rebels retreated to nearby Couch's Fort to gather reinforcements.

The next day, 17 July, the rebels returned to Bower Hill. Their force had swelled to nearly 600 men, now commanded by Major James McFarlane, a veteran of the Revolutionary War.[60] Neville had also received reinforcements: 10 U.S. Army soldiers from Pittsburgh under the command of Major Abraham Kirkpatrick, a brother-in-law of Neville's wife.[61] Before the rebel force arrived, Kirkpatrick had Neville leave the house and hide in a nearby ravine. David Lenox and General Neville's son, Presley Neville, also returned to the area, though they could not get into the house and were captured by the rebels.[62]

Following some fruitless negotiations, the women and children were allowed to leave the house, and then both sides began firing. After about an hour, McFarlane called a cease fire; according to some, a white flag had been waved in the house. As McFarlane stepped into the open, a shot rang out from the house, and he fell, mortally wounded. The enraged rebels then set fire to the house, and Kirkpatrick surrendered.[63] The number of casualties at Bower Hill is unclear; McFarlane and one or two other militiamen were killed; one U.S. soldier may have died from wounds received in the fight.[64] The rebels sent the U.S. soldiers away. Kirkpatrick, Lenox, and Presley Neville were kept as prisoners, but they later escaped.[65]

March on Pittsburgh[edit]McFarlane was given a hero's funeral on July 18. His "murder", as the rebels saw it, further radicalized the countryside.[66] Moderates such as Brackenridge were hard-pressed to restrain the populace. Radical leaders such as David Bradford emerged, urging violent resistance. On 26 July, a group headed by Bradford robbed the U.S. mail as it left Pittsburgh, hoping to discover who in that town opposed them. Finding several letters that condemned the rebels, Bradford and his band called for a military assembly to meet at Braddock's Field, about 8 mi (13 km) east of Pittsburgh.[67]

On 1 August, about 7,000 people gathered at Braddock's Field.[68] This would prove to be the largest gathering of protesters.[69] The crowd consisted primarily of poor people who owned no land. Most did not own whiskey stills. The furor over the whiskey excise had unleashed anger about other economic grievances. By this time, the victims of violence were often wealthy property owners who had no connection to the whiskey tax.[70] Some of the most radical protesters wanted to march on Pittsburgh, which they called "Sodom", loot the homes of the wealthy, and then burn the town to the ground.[71] Others wanted to attack Fort Fayette. There was praise for the French Revolution, and of bringing the guillotine to America. David Bradford, it was said, was comparing himself to Robespierre, a leader of the French Reign of Terror.[72]

At Braddock's Field, there was talk of declaring independence from the United States, and of joining with Spain or Great Britain. Radicals flew a specially designed flag that proclaimed their independence. The flag had six stripes, one for each county represented at the gathering: five Pennsylvania counties (Allegheny, Bedford, Fayette, Washington, and Westmoreland) and one Virginia county (Ohio County).[73]

Pittsburgh citizens helped defuse the threat by banishing three men whose intercepted letters had given offense to the rebels, and by sending a delegation to Braddock's Field that expressed support for the gathering.[74] Brackenridge prevailed upon the crowd to limit the protest to a defiant march through the town. In Pittsburgh, only the barns of Major Kirkpatrick were torched.[75]

Meeting at Whiskey Point[edit]On 14 August, a convention of 226 whiskey rebels from the six counties was held at Parkinson's Ferry (now known as Whiskey Point), present-day Monongahela. The convention considered resolutions, which were drafted by Brackenridge, Gallatin, David Bradford, and an eccentric preacher named Herman Husband, a delegate from Bedford County. Husband, a well-known local figure, was a radical champion of democracy who had taken part in the Regulator movement in North Carolina 25 years earlier.[77] The Parkinson's Ferry convention also appointed a committee to meet with the peace commissioners who had been sent west by President Washington.[78] There, Gallatin presented an eloquent speech in favor of peace and against proposals from Bradford to further revolt.[76]

Federal response[edit]President Washington, confronted with what appeared to be an armed insurrection in western Pennsylvania, proceeded cautiously. Although determined to maintain government authority, he did not want to alienate public opinion. He asked his cabinet for written opinions about how to deal with the crisis. The cabinet recommended the use of force, except for Secretary of State Edmund Randolph, who urged reconciliation.[79] Washington did both: he sent commissioners to meet with the rebels while raising a militia army. Washington privately doubted the commissioners could accomplish anything, and believed a military expedition would be needed to suppress further violence.[80] For this reason, historians have sometimes charged that the peace commission was sent only for the sake of appearances, and that the use of force was never in doubt.[81] Historians Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick argued that the military expedition was "itself a part of the reconciliation process", since a show of overwhelming force would make further violence less likely.[82]

Meanwhile, Hamilton began publishing essays under the name of "Tully" in Philadelphia newspapers, denouncing mob violence in western Pennsylvania and advocating military action. Washington and Hamilton believed the Democratic-Republican Societies, which had been formed throughout the country, were the source of civic unrest. "Historians are not yet agreed on the exact role of the societies" in the Whiskey Rebellion, wrote historian Mark Spencer in 2003, "but there was a degree of overlap between society membership and the Whiskey Rebels".[83]

Before troops could be raised, the Militia Act of 1792 required a justice of the United States Supreme Court to certify that law enforcement was beyond the control of local authorities. On 4 August 1794, Justice James Wilson delivered his opinion that western Pennsylvania was in a state of rebellion.[84] On 7 August, Washington issued a presidential proclamation announcing, with "the deepest regret", that the militia would be called out to suppress the rebellion. He commanded insurgents in western Pennsylvania to disperse by September 1.[85]

Negotiations[edit]In early August 1794, Washington dispatched three commissioners, all of them Pennsylvanians, to the west: Attorney General William Bradford, Justice Jasper Yeates of the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, and Senator James Ross. Beginning on 21 August, the commissioners met with a committee of westerners that included Brackenridge and Gallatin. The government commissioners told the committee that it must unanimously agree to renounce violence and submit to U.S. laws, and that a popular referendum must be held to determine if the local people supported the decision. Those who agreed to these terms would be given amnesty from further prosecution.[86]

The committee, divided between radicals and moderates, narrowly passed a resolution agreeing to submit to the government's terms. The popular referendum, which was held on 11 September, also produced mixed results. Some townships overwhelmingly supported submitting to U.S. law, but opposition to the government remained strong in areas where poor and landless people predominated.[87] The final report of the commissioners recommended the use of the military to enforce the laws.[88] The trend was towards submission, however, and westerners dispatched two representatives, William Findley and David Redick, to meet with Washington and to halt the progress of the oncoming army. Washington and Hamilton declined, arguing that violence was likely to reemerge if the army turned back.[87]

Militia expedition[edit]Under the authority of the recently passed federal militia law, the state militias were called up by the governors of New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, and Pennsylvania. The federalized militia force of 12,950 men was a large army by American standards of the time, comparable to Washington's armies during the Revolution.[89] Because relatively few men volunteered for militia service, a draft was used to fill out the ranks. Draft evasion was widespread, and conscription efforts resulted in protests and riots, even in eastern areas. Three counties in eastern Virginia were the scenes of armed draft resistance. In Maryland, Governor Thomas Sim Lee sent 800 men to quash an antidraft riot in Hagerstown; about 150 people were arrested.[90]

Liberty poles were raised in various places as the militia was recruited, worrying federal officials. A liberty pole was raised in Carlisle, Pennsylvania, on 11 September 1794.[91] When the federalized militia arrived in that town later that month, suspected pole-raisers were rounded up. Two civilians were killed in these operations. On 29 September, an unarmed boy was shot by an officer whose pistol accidentally fired. Two days later, a man was stabbed to death by a soldier while resisting arrest. President Washington ordered the arrest of the two soldiers and had them turned over to civilian authorities. A state judge determined the deaths had been accidental, and the soldiers were released.[92]

In October 1794, Washington traveled west to review the progress of the military expedition. According to historian Joseph Ellis, this would be "the first and only time a sitting American president led troops in the field".[93]Jonathan Forman, who led the Third Infantry Regiment of New Jersey troops against the Whiskey Rebellion,[94] wrote about his encounter with Washington: "October 3d Marched early in the morning for Harrisburgh, where we arrived about 12 O'clock. About 1 O'Clock recd. information of the Presidents approach on which, I had the regiment paraded, timely for his reception, & considerably to my satisfaction. Being afterwards invited to his quarters he made enquiry into the circumstances of the man [an incident between a militia man and an old soldier mentioned earlier in the journal] & seemed satisfied with the information."[95] Washington met with the western representatives in Bedford, Pennsylvania, on October 9 before going to Fort Cumberland in Maryland to review the southern wing of the army.[96] Convinced the federalized militia would meet little resistance, he placed the army under the command of the governor of Virginia, Henry "Lighthorse Harry" Lee, a hero of the Revolutionary War. Washington returned to Philadelphia; Hamilton remained with the army as civilian adviser.[97]

The insurrection collapsed as the army marched into western Pennsylvania in October 1794. Some of the most prominent leaders of the insurrection, like David Bradford, fled westward to safety. After an investigation, federal government officials arrested about 20 people and brought them back to Philadelphia for trial.[98] Eventually, a federal grand jury indicted 24 men for high treason.[99] Most of the accused had eluded capture, so only ten men stood trial for treason in federal court.[100] Of these, only Philip Wigle[nb 1] and John Mitchell were convicted. Wigle had beaten up a tax collector and burned his house; Mitchell was a simpleton who had been convinced by David Bradford to rob the U.S. mail. Both men were sentenced to death by hanging, but they were pardoned by President Washington.[101] Pennsylvania state courts were more successful in prosecuting lawbreakers, securing numerous convictions for assault and rioting.[102]

The Washington administration's suppression of the Whiskey Rebellion met with widespread popular approval.[103] The episode demonstrated the new national government had the willingness and ability to suppress violent resistance to its laws. It was therefore viewed by the Washington administration as a success, a view that has generally been endorsed by historians.[104] The Washington administration and its supporters usually did not mention, however, that the whiskey excise remained difficult to collect, and that many westerners continued to refuse to pay the tax.[29] The events contributed to the formation of political parties in the United States, a process already underway.[105] The whiskey tax was repealed after Thomas Jefferson's Republican Party, which opposed the Federalist Party of Hamilton and Washington, came to power in 1801.[106]

The Rebellion raised the question of what kinds of protests were permissible under the new Constitution. Legal historian Christian G. Fritz argued, even after ratification of the Constitution, there was not yet a consensus about sovereignty in the United States. Federalists believed the government was sovereign because it had been established by the people, so radical protest actions, which were permissible during the American Revolution, were no longer legitimate. But the Whiskey Rebels and their defenders believed the Revolution had established the people as a "collective sovereign", and the people had the collective right to change or challenge the government through extraconstitutional means.[107]

Historian Steven Boyd argued that the suppression of the Whiskey Rebellion prompted anti-Federalist westerners to finally accept the Constitution, and to seek change by voting for Republicans rather than resisting the government. Federalists, for their part, came to accept that the people could play a greater role in governance. Although Federalists would attempt to restrict speech critical of the government with the Alien and Sedition Acts in 1798, after the Whiskey Rebellion, says Boyd, Federalists no longer challenged the freedom of assembly and the right to petition.[108]

In popular culture[edit]Soon after the Whiskey Rebellion, actress-playwright Susanna Rowson wrote a stage musical about the insurrection entitled "The Volunteers", with music by composer Alexander Reinagle. The play is now lost, but the songs survive, and suggest that Rowson's interpretation was pro-Federalist. The musical celebrated the militiamen who put down the rebellion, the "volunteers" of the title, as American heroes.[109] President Washington and Martha Washington attended a performance of the play in Philadelphia in January 1795.[110]

In L. Neil Smith's alternate history novel The Probability Broach (1980), Albert Gallatin convinces the militia not to put down the rebellion, but instead to march on the nation's capital, execute George Washington for treason, and replace the Constitution with a revised Articles of Confederation. As a result, the United States becomes a libertarian utopia called the North American Confederacy.[111][112]

In the satirical novel Joyleg, A Folly by Avram Davidson and Ward Moore, a veteran of both the American Revolutionary War and the Whiskey Rebellion is found alive and very well in the Tennessee backwoods, having survived over the centuries by daily soaks in whisky of his own making, to hilariously face the world of the 1960s.

In 2012, Wigle Whiskey, the first distillery in Pittsburgh since Prohibition, was founded.[113] It was named after Philip Wigle.[113]

From 1971''1993, the Hall of Presidents at Walt Disney World in Florida included a section on the Whiskey Rebellion.

See also[edit]^Sources show a variety of spellings for his surname, including Vigol and WigalReferences[edit]Pinpoint citations^Slaughter, 210''214, 219.^Robert W. Coakley, The Role of Federal Military Forces in Domestic Disorders, 1789''1878 (DIANE Publishing, 1996), 67.^Chernow, 297.^Chernow, 327''30.^Chernow, 341.^Hogeland, 27.^Chernow, 342''43; Hogeland, 63.^Slaughter, 100.^Slaughter, 105; Hogeland, 64.^American State Papers [Finance: Volume 1], 110^Slaughter, 97.^Hogeland, 66.^Hogeland, 68.^Hogeland, 67; Holt, 30.^Slaughter, 147''49; Hogeland, 68''70.^Hogeland, 68''69; Holt, 30.^Slaughter, 148.^Slaughter, 148; Hogeland, 69.^Slaughter, 108.^Slaughter, 110.^Slaughter, 206.^Hogeland, 23''25; Slaughter, 113.^Hogeland, 24.^Hogeland, 114''15.^Slaughter, 113. Hogeland dates the attack on Johnson to 7 September, the night before the Pittsburgh convention; Hogeland, 24.^Hogeland, 103''04.^Slaughter, 114.^Slaughter, 103.^ abMary K. Bonsteel Tachau, "A New Look at the Whiskey Rebellion", in Boyd, The Whiskey Rebellion: Past and Present Perspectives, 97''118.^Slaughter, 117.^Gross, David M. (2014). 99 Tactics of Successful Tax Resistance Campaigns. Picket Line Press. pp. 77''78. ISBN 978-1490572741. ^Slaughter, 119; Hogeland, 124.^Hogeland, 122''23.^Hogeland, 117''19; 122''23.^Slaughter, 125''27.^Slaughter, 119''23.^Slaughter, 151''53.^Hogeland, 97, 102.^Hogeland, 119''24.^Gross, David M. (2014). 99 Tactics of Successful Tax Resistance Campaigns. Picket Line Press. p. 72. ISBN 978-1490572741. ^Hogeland, 130''31.^ abSlaughter, 151.^Slaughter, 150.^Slaughter, 153.^Slaughter, 165.^Slaughter, 177; Cooke, 328.^Hogeland, 142.^Slaughter, 170.^Slaughter, 182.^Cooke, 321.^Cooke, 321''22.^Slaughter, 183.^Hogeland, 124.^Hogeland, passim. For an online summary of Hogeland's argument, see his "Why the Whiskey Rebellion Is Worth Recalling Now"; History News Network, July 3, 2006. Accessed June 22, 2010.^S. E. Morison, "The Oxford History of the United States 1783''1917 (London: Oxford University Press, 1927), 182.^Slaughter, 177.^Hogeland, 146.^The number of militiamen in the first attack on Bower Hill varies in contemporary accounts; Hogeland, 268.^Slaughter, 179; Hogeland, 147''48.^Hogeland, 150''51.^Slaughter, 179; Hogeland, 152.^Hogeland, 153.^Hogeland, 153''54; Slaughter, 179''80.^Slaughter, 180.^Hogeland, 155''56.^Slaughter, 181''83.^Slaughter, 183''85.^Slaughter, 186; Hogeland, 172.^Slaughter, 188.^Slaughter, 186''87.^Slaughter, 187.^Slaughter, 188''89; Hogeland, 169.^Holt, 10. Holt writes that earlier historians had misindentified the six counties represented by the flag.^Slaughter, 185.^Slaughter, 187''88; Hogeland, 170''77.^ ab"Whiskey Point '' PHMC Historical Markers" (Database search). Historical Marker Database. Pennsylvania Historical & Museum Commission. Retrieved December 12, 2013. ^Holt, 54''57.^Slaughter, 188''89.^Elkins & McKitrick, 479.^Slaughter, 197''99.^Slaughter, 199; Holt, 11.^Elkins & McKitrick, 481.^Mark G. Spencer, "Democratic-Republican Societies", in Peter Knight, ed., Conspiracy Theories in American History (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO Press, 2003), 1:221.^Slaughter, 192''93, 196; Elkins & McKitrick, 479.^Slaughter, 196.^Slaughter, 199''200; Hogeland, 199.^ abSlaughter, 203.^Hogeland, 205''06.^Chernow, 475''76; Hogeland, 189.^Slaughter, 210-14.^Slaughter, 208.^Slaughter, 205''06; Hogeland, 213.^Ellis, His Excellency, George Washington, 225.^Manella, Angela. "Jonathan Forman Papers Finding Aid". Archive Service Center, University of Pittsburgh. Retrieved 4 April 2013. ^Forman, Jonathan. "Journal of Jonathan Forman, September 21, 1794 '' October 25, 1794". Retrieved 4 April 2013. ^Slaughter, 215''16.^Slaughter, 216.^Slaughter, 219.^Richard A. Ifft, "Treason in the Early Republic: The Federal Courts, Popular Protest, and Federalism During the Whiskey Insurrection", in Boyd, The Whiskey Rebellion: Past and Present Perspectives, 172.^Ifft, 172.^Hogeland, 238; Ifft, 176.^Ifft, 175''76.^Elkins & McKitrick, 481''84.^Boyd, "Popular Rights", 78.^Slaughter, 221; Boyd, "Popular Rights", 80.^Hogeland, 242.^Christian G. Fritz, American Sovereigns: the People and America's Constitutional Tradition Before the Civil War, ch. 6.^Boyd, "Popular Rights", 80''83.^Anita Vickers, The New Nation (Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood, 2002), 213.^Susan Branson, These Fiery Frenchified Dames: Women and Political Culture in Early National Philadelphia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), 181.^John J. Pierce, When world views collide: a study in imagination and evolution (Greenwood Press, 1989), 163.^Peter Josef M¼hlbauer, "Frontiers and dystopias: Libertarian ideology in science fiction", in Dieter Plehwe et al., eds., Neoliberal Hegemony: A Global Critique (Taylor & Francis, 2006), 162.^ abToland, Bill (May 9, 2012). "Wigle Whiskey, Pittsburgh's first distillery since Prohibition, to open fsoon". Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. Works frequently citedBoyd, Steven R., ed. The Whiskey Rebellion: Past and Present Perspectives. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press, 1985. ISBN 0-313-24534-7.Boyd, Steven R. "The Whiskey Rebellion, Popular Rights, and the Meaning of the First Amendment." In W. Thomas Mainwaring, ed. The Whiskey Rebellion and the Trans-Appalachian Frontier, 73''84. Washington, Pennsylvania: Washington and Jefferson College, 1994.Chernow, Ron. Alexander Hamilton. New York: Penguin Press, 2004. ISBN 1-59420-009-2.Cooke, Jacob E. "The Whiskey Insurrection: A Re-Evaluation." Pennsylvania History 30 (July 1963), 316''64.Elkins, Stanley M. and Eric L. McKitrick. The Age of Federalism. Oxford University Press, 1995. ISBN 978-0-19-509381-0Hogeland, William. The Whiskey Rebellion: George Washington, Alexander Hamilton, and the Frontier Rebels Who Challenged America's Newfound Sovereignty. New York: Scribner, 2006. ISBN 0-7432-5490-2.Holt, Wythe. "The Whiskey Rebellion of 1794: A Democratic Working-Class Insurrection". Paper presented at The Georgia Workshop in Early American History and Culture, 2004.Kohn, Richard H. "The Washington Administration's Decision to Crush the Whiskey Rebellion." Journal of American History 59 (December 1972), 567''84.Slaughter, Thomas P. The Whiskey Rebellion: Frontier Epilogue to the American Revolution. Oxford University Press, 1986. ISBN 0-19-505191-2.Further readingBaldwin, Leland. Whiskey Rebels: The Story of a Frontier Uprising. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1939.Bouton, Terry. Taming Democracy: "The People," the Founders, and the Troubled Ending of the American Revolution. Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press, 2007. ISBN 978-0-19-530665-1.Brackenridge, Henry Marie. History of the Western Insurrection in Western Pennsylvania.... Pittsburgh, 1859.Brackenridge, Hugh Henry. Incidents of the Insurrection in Western Pennsylvania in the Year 1794. Philadelphia, 1795. A 1972 edition has notes by Daniel Marder.Findley, William. History of the Insurrection in the Four Western Counties of Pennsylvania. Philadelphia, 1796.External links[edit]Text of the 1791 excise act from the Library of CongressGeorge Washington's Proclamation of September 15, 1792, warning against obstruction of the excise law, from the Avalon Project at Yale Law SchoolWashington's Proclamation of August 7, 1794, announcing the preliminary raising of militia and commanding the insurgents in western Pennsylvania to disperseWashington's Proclamation of September 25, 1794, announcing the commencement of military operationsWashington's Sixth Annual Message, November 19, 1794. Washington dedicated most of this annual message to the Whiskey Rebellion.Thompson, Charles D. Jr. "Whiskey and Geography"Southern Spaces, May 10, 2011. Explores the origins of whiskey-making and the resistance to a whiskey tax in Franklin County, Virginia.

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