Tue, 14 May 2024 19:29
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While the border crisis has become a major liability for President Biden, threatening his reelection chances, it\u2019s become a huge boon to a group of nonprofits getting rich off government contracts.
Although the federally funded Unaccompanied Children Program is responsible for resettling unaccompanied migrant minors who enter the U.S., it delegates much of the task to nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) that run shelters in the border states of Texas, Arizona, and California.
And with the recent massive influx of unaccompanied children\u2014a record 130,000 in 2022, the last year for which there are official stats\u2014the coffers of these NGOs are swelling, along with the salaries of their CEOs.
\u201CThe amount of taxpayer money they are getting is obscene,\u201D Charles Marino, former adviser to Janet Napolitano, the secretary of the Department of Homeland Security under Obama, said of the NGOs. \u201CWe\u2019re going to find that the waste, fraud, and abuse of taxpayer money will rival what we saw with the Covid federal money.\u201D
The Free Press examined three of the most prominent NGOs that have benefited: Global Refuge, Southwest Key Programs, and Endeavors, Inc. These organizations have seen their combined revenue grow from $597 million in 2019 to an astonishing $2 billion by 2022, the last year for which federal disclosure documents are available. And the CEOs of all three nonprofits reap more than $500,000 each in annual compensation, with one of them\u2014the chief executive of Southwest Key\u2014making more than $1 million.
Some of the services NGOs provide are eyebrow-raising. For example, Endeavors uses taxpayer funds to offer migrant children \u201Cpet therapy,\u201D \u201Chorticulture therapy,\u201D and music therapy. In 2021 alone, Endeavors paid Christy Merrell, a music therapist, $533,000. An internal Endeavors PowerPoint obtained by America First Legal, an outfit founded by former Trump aide Stephen Miller, showed that the nonprofit conducted 1,656 \u201Cpeople-plant interactions\u201D and 287 pet therapy sessions between April 2021 and March 2023.
Endeavors\u2019 2022 federal disclosure form also shows that it paid $5 million to a company to provide fill-in doctors and nurses, $4.6 million for \u201Cconsulting services,\u201D $1.4 million to attend conferences, and $700,000 on lobbyists. In 2021, the NGO shelled out $8 million to hotel management company Esperanto Developments to house migrants in their hotels. Endeavors, which gets 99.6 percent of its revenue from the government according to federal disclosure forms, declined to comment to The Free Press.
The Administration for Children and Families, a division of the U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, funds the nonprofits through its Office of Refugee Resettlement, and its budget has swelled over the years\u2014from $1.8 billion in 2018 to $6.3 billion in 2023. The ORR is expected to spend at least $7.3 billion this year\u2014almost all of which will be funneled to NGOs and other contractors.
When asked about the funding increase during a January media event, Krish O\u2019Mara Vignarajah, the chief executive of Global Refuge said, \u201CWe\u2019ve grown because the need has grown.\u201D The nonprofit did not make Vignarajah available for an interview.
But while it\u2019s true the number of migrants has exploded in recent years, critics say these enormous federal grants far exceed the current need. The facilities themselves are generally owned by private companies and are leased to the NGOs, which house the unaccompanied minors and attempt to unite them with family members or, if that\u2019s not possible, people who will take care of them\u2014their so-called sponsors. The ORR does not publicly list the specific number of shelters it funds in its efforts to house migrants, a business The New York Times once described as \u201Clucrative\u201D and \u201Csecretive.\u201D
While some NGOs have long had operations at the border, \u201Cwhat is new under Biden is the amount of taxpayer money being awarded, the lack of accountability for performance, and the lack of interest in solving the problem,\u201D said Jessica Vaughan, director of policy studies at the Center for Immigration Studies, a think tank that researches the effect of government immigration policies and describes its bias as \u201Clow-immigration, pro-immigrant.\u201D
Consider Global Refuge, based in Baltimore, Maryland. In 2018, according to its federal disclosure form, the Baltimore-based nonprofit had $50 million in revenue. By 2022, its revenue totaled $207 million\u2014$180 million of which came from the government. That year, $82 million was spent on housing unaccompanied children. Global Refuge also granted $45 million to an organization that facilitates adoptions as well as resettling migrant children.
Now Global Refuge employs over 550 people nationwide, and CEO Vignarajah said in January that the nonprofit plans to expand to at least 700 staffers by the end of 2024.
Vignarajah, a former policy director for Michelle Obama when she was first lady, took the top job at Global Refuge in February 2019 after she lost her bid to be elected governor of Maryland. She has since become one of the most prominent advocates for migrants crossing the southern border, appearing frequently on MSNBC and other media as an immigration advocate. Her incoming salary was $244,000, but just three years later, her compensation more than doubled to $520,000.
In 2019, Global Refuge housed 2,591 unaccompanied children while spending $30 million. Three years later, the NGO reported that it housed 1,443 unaccompanied children at a cost of $82.5 million\u2014almost half the number of migrants for more than double the money.
In a statement to The Free Press, Global Refuge spokesperson Timothy Young said that while in care, \u201CUnaccompanied children attend six hours of daily education and participate in recreational activities, both at the education site and within the community.\u201D
The man with the $1 million salary is Dr. Anselmo Villarreal, who became CEO of Southwest Key Programs, headquartered in Austin, Texas, in 2021. (Villarreal took a drop in pay compared to his predecessor, Southwest Key founder Juan Sanchez, who paid himself an eye-popping $3.5 million in 2018.)
Despite a number of scandals in the recent past, including misuse of federal funds and several instances of employees sexually abusing some of the children in its care, Southwest Key continues to operate\u2014and rake in big government checks. In 2020, the year of Covid-19, its government grant was $391 million; by 2022, its contract was nearly $790 million.
Southwest Key\u2019s federal disclosure forms show that in 2022, six executives in addition to Villarreal made more than $400,000, including its chief strategist ($800,000), its head of operations ($700,000) and its top HR executive ($535,000). Its total payroll in 2022 was $465 million.
Endeavors, Inc., based in San Antonio, Texas, is run by Chip Fulghum. Formerly the chief financial officer of the Department of Homeland Security, he signed on as Endeavors\u2019 chief operating officer in 2019 and was promoted to CEO this year.
In 2022, Fulghum was paid almost $600,000, while the compensation for Endeavors\u2019 then-CEO, Jon Allman, was $700,000. Endeavors\u2019 payroll went from $20 million in 2018 to a whopping $150 million in 2022, with seven other executives earning more than $300,000.
Perhaps the most shocking figure was the size of Endeavors\u2019s 2022 contract with the government: a staggering $1.3 billion, by far the largest sum ever granted to an NGO working at the border. (In 2023, Endeavors\u2019 government funds shrank to $324 million because the shelter was closed for six months. Endeavors says this was because the beds were not needed, the border crisis notwithstanding.)
Despite these astronomical sums, the Unaccompanied Children Program is fraught with problems and suffers from a general lack of oversight. Because so many unaccompanied youths are crossing the border, sources who worked at a temporary Emergency Intake Site in 2021 said the ORR pressured case managers to move children out within two weeks in order to prepare for the next wave of unaccompanied children.
In 2022, Florida governor Ron DeSantis empaneled a grand jury to conduct an investigation, which showed how the ORR continually loosened its safety protocols so children could be connected to sponsors more quickly\u2014and with less due diligence. The same report revealed that because there\u2019s often no documentation to prove a migrant\u2019s age at the time Border Patrol processes them, 105 adults were discovered posing as unaccompanied children in 2021. One of them, a 24-year-old Honduran male who said he was 17, was charged with murdering his sponsor in Jacksonville, Florida.
\u201CWe used to have DNA testing to make sure we had these family units,\u201D Chris Clem, a recently retired Border Patrol officer, told The Free Press. But since the border crisis, the ORR has abandoned DNA testing, according to congressional testimony by the General Accountability Office. In 2021, ORR revised its rules so that public records checks for other adults living in a prospective sponsor\u2019s home were no longer mandatory.
Tara Rodas, a government employee who was temporarily detailed to work at the California Pomona Fairplex Emergency Intake shelter in 2021, told The Free Press she also uncovered evidence of fraud within the sponsorship system. \u201CMost of the sponsors have no legal presence in the U.S. I don\u2019t know if I saw one U.S. ID,\u201D said Rodas. \u201CThere were no criminal investigators at the site, and there was no access to see if sponsors had committed crimes in Guatemala, El Salvador, and Mexico.\u201D
Last October, the ORR published a series of proposed changes to its regulations in the Federal Register that will effectively codify the more relaxed standards. The new regulations, which will go into effect in July, will allow background checks and verifying the validity of a sponsor\u2019s identity\u2014but wouldn\u2019t require them.
\u201CIt is mind-boggling that ORR has not seen fit to adjust the policies for (unaccompanied children) placements, except to make them more lenient,\u201D Jessica Vaughan at the Center for Immigration Studies told The Free Press. \u201CThey could do a much better job, but they only want to streamline the process and make the releases even easier.\u201D The Administration for Children and Families did not respond to emailed questions from The Free Press.
Deborah White, another federal employee temporarily detailed to the Pomona Fairplex facility in 2021, told The Free Press: \u201CUltimately, the responsibility is on the government. But the oversight is obviously not adequate\u2014from the contracting to the care of the children to the vetting of the sponsors. All of it is inadequate. The government blames the contractor and the contractor blames the government, and no one is held accountable.\u201D
Maddie Rowley is an investigative reporter. Follow her on X @Maddie_Rowley. And read Peter Savodnik\u2019s piece, \u201CA Report from the Southern Border: \u2018We Want Biden to Win.\u2019\u201D
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